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Antebellumning Massachusets shtatining etnik tarkibi

Antebellumning Massachusets shtatining etnik tarkibi



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Fuqarolar urushidan oldingi o'n yilliklarda Massachusets shtatining etnik tarkibi qanday edi? Menga, ayniqsa, aholining necha foizi ingliz, shotland, shimoliy irland va irland millatiga mansubligini bilish qiziqtiradi (lekin boshqa guruhlar haqida ma'lumot qabul qilinadi). Men topgan yagona yaxshi manba bu 1790 yilgi aholini ro'yxatga olish, lekin aniqki, bir necha o'n yillar o'tgach, Massachusets shtatining etnik tarkibi juda boshqacha edi.

Ideal holda, kimdir har o'n yilda bir marta bu raqamlarni yangilab turadigan jadvalni biladi, lekin men hali ham 1790 va 1860 yillar oralig'idagi har qanday aniq va empirik asoslangan taxminlarni juda qadrlayman. Men bu raqamlarni ilmiy maqola uchun hisob -kitoblarda ishlatardim yaxshi javoblar topiladi.


Insholar to'plamlari

Metyu Meyson, Ketrin P. Viens va Konrad Edik Rayt tomonidan tahrirlangan

Hech bo'lmaganda Amerika tarixiga ta'siri haqida gap ketganda, barcha shtatlar teng emas. Bu taxminning asosi Massachusets va fuqarolar urushi. Jildning o'nta inshosi fuqarolar urushi davrida Massachusets shtatining milliy ahamiyatini, Hamdo'stlikning Ittifoqning xavfli, ammo haqiqiy urush vaqtidagi birlashuvini aks ettirishi va modellashtirish usullari va Bay davlatining urushdan keyingi urushdan oldingi nizolarga qaytishini birlashtiradi. . To'plamda davlatning urushlar ittifoqiga qo'shgan hissasining har bir jihatini umumlashtirishga urinishdan ko'ra, milliy birlikning buyuk inqirozi davrida uning ta'siri nimasi bilan ajralib turadi.

Insholar Massachusets va fuqarolar urushi 2013 yil aprel oyida Massachusets tarixiy jamiyatida bo'lib o'tgan shu nomdagi konferentsiyadan kelib chiqqan.

Iyun 2015. Buyurtma Massachusets universiteti matbuoti
$ 90.00 Qattiq muqovali ISBN: 978-1-62534-149-5
$ 27.95 Paperback ISBN: 978-1-62534-150-1


UMass Amherst IT NetID (foydalanuvchi nomi) va parol bilan UMass Amherst talabalari, xodimlari va o'qituvchilari uchun hamma kampusda yoki kampusdan tashqarida mavjud.

Foydalanishning to'liq shartlari uchun elektron resurslardan foydalanish siyosatiga qarang (https://www.library.umass.edu/about-the-libraries/policies/electronic-resources-usage-policy/).

UMass Amherst IT NetID (foydalanuvchi nomi) va parol bilan UMass Amherst talabalari, xodimlari va o'qituvchilari uchun hamma kampusda yoki kampusdan tashqarida mavjud.

Foydalanishning to'liq shartlari uchun elektron resurslardan foydalanish siyosatiga qarang (https://www.library.umass.edu/about-the-libraries/policies/electronic-resources-usage-policy/).


Ommaviy chiqish boshlanadi

Yo'lovchilarni olib ketayotgan ochlik davri va#x201Ccoffin kemasi tasviri. (Kredit: Illustrated London News/Hulton Archive/Getty Images)

5000 ta qayiqdan tashkil topgan flotilya ayanchli odamlarni sahrodan olib chiqib ketdi. Qochqinlarning ko'pchiligi minimal konvertatsiya qilingan yuk kemalariga o'tirishgan, ba'zilari o'tmishda Afrikadan qullarni tashish uchun ishlatilgan va och qolgan, kasal yo'lovchilar, ularning ko'plari tranzit uchun oxirgi tiyinlarini sarflaganlar, yukdan ko'ra yaxshiroq davolangan. kamida to'rt hafta davom etgan kilometrlik sayohat.

Qorong'i, tor joylarda chorva mollari kabi boqqan irland yo'lovchilariga oziq -ovqat va toza suv etishmasdi. Ular toza havo bilan bo'g'ilib qolishdi. Ularga axlat va qusish tushdi. Har bir kattalarga 18 dyuymli yotoq joyi va bolalarning yarmi ajratilgan. Kasallik va o'lim jirkanch kemalarga yopishib qoldi va 1847 yilda "x xam" tobut "kemalari bilan Shimoliy Amerikaga jo'nab ketgan 85000 yo'lovchining qariyb to'rtdan bir qismi o'z maqsadlariga etib bormadi. Ularning jasadlari mato bilan o'ralgan, toshlar bilan tortilgan va okean tubidagi yotoqda abadiy uxlash uchun dengizga tashlangan.

Garchi, charchagan va kambag'al bo'lsa -da, irlandlar Amerikaga erkin nafas olishni xohlamadilar, ular shunchaki ovqatdan och qolishdi. Ko'pchilik muhojirlar, juda kambag'al bo'lib, ular tushgan shahar docklariga yaqinroq yurishdi. Ba'zilar oz mablag'larini Atlantikadan o'tish uchun to'lash uchun sarflagan bo'lsalar, boshqalari o'z sayohatlarini ingliz uy egalari tomonidan moliyalashtirishgan, ular ijarachilarini boshqa qit'aga jo'natishni, uyda xayriya uchun to'lashdan ko'ra, arzonroq echim deb topishgan.

Ko'p amerikaliklarning fikricha, o'sha ingliz uy egalari eng yaxshi odamlarini yubormagan. Bu odamlar mustamlakachilik davrida Amerikaga ko'p kelgan, kontinental armiyada jang qilgan va chegarani tamomlagan mehnatkash, protestant skotch-irland muhojirlariga o'xshamasdi. Bu odamlar faqat kambag'al, malakasiz qochqinlar emas edi. Bundan ham yomoni, ular katolik edilar.


Massachusets shtatining aholi tarixi

Aholining ro'yxatga olingan dastlabki raqamlarini 1790 yilga borib taqalsa bo'ladi va 170 yillik mustamlakadan so'ng Massachusetsda ko'p odamlar yashagan. O'sha erta ro'yxatga olish 378,787 kishi shtat aholisi ekanligini tasdiqladi.

Massachusets shtatining aholisi o'sishda davom etdi, lekin ko'chmanchilar G'arbga boshchilik qilganlarida, birinchi o'n yil ichida tez -tez bema'ni darajada bir necha yuz foizga ko'paygan mamlakatning boshqa shtatlaridan farqli o'laroq, Massachusets shtatida o'sish ancha barqaror edi. Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlarining boshqa hududlari aholini ro'yxatga olish bo'yicha ikki barobar ko'paygan bo'lsa, Massachusets shtati 1800 yilda 11,6% ga o'sib, 422,845 taga etdi.


Shtat darajasidagi statistikalar voqeaning bir qismini aytadi, lekin AQShning ko'p shtatlari ham alohida ajratilgan, ya'ni bir shtatning turli grafliklari irqi va millati bo'yicha turlicha bo'linishi mumkin.

COVID -19 holatlari bo'yicha irq va millat to'g'risidagi ma'lumotlar tuman darajasida keng tarqalgan emas, shuning uchun biz ikkita raqamni ishlatamiz: har bir graflik uchun so'nggi yuqumli kasalliklar va o'lim ko'rsatkichlari, Nyu -York Tayms ma'lumotlari, eng yirik irqlar bilan bog'langan. yoki aholini ro'yxatga olish byurosi va#x27s 2019 ACS 5 yillik hisob-kitoblariga asoslanib, ushbu okrugdagi etnik guruh. Natijalar hayratlanarli.


Irqiy, etnik xilma -xillik 117 -Kongress bilan yana ko'payadi

Vakillar palatasi spikeri Nensi Pelosi 2021 yil 3 yanvarda bo'lib o'tgan 117 -Kongressning birinchi sessiyasida Kongressning yangi a'zolari bilan qasamyod qildi. (Tasos Katopodis/Getty Images)

AQSh Vakillar palatasi va Senatining ovoz berish a'zolarining chorak qismi (23%) irqiy yoki etnik ozchiliklardan iborat bo'lib, 117 -Kongressni tarixdagi eng irqiy va etnik turlicha qiladi. Kapitoliy tepaligida oq tanli bo'lmagan qonunchilar sonining ko'payishi tendentsiyasi davom etmoqda: bu oltinchi Kongress, bundan oldingi rekordni yangiladi.

Pew Research Center Kongressi tadqiqot xizmati ma'lumotlariga ko'ra, bugungi kunda 124 qonun chiqaruvchi qora, ispan, Osiyo/Tinch okeani oroli yoki tubjoy amerikalik deb topilgan. Bu 63 ta ozchilik a'zolari bo'lgan 2001-03 yildagi 107-Kongressga nisbatan 97% ga ko'pdir.

Bugungi senatorlar va vakillar orasida irqiy va etnik ozchiliklarning aksariyat qismi demokratlar (83%), 17% respublikachilar. Bu oq Kongress a'zolarining atigi 10 foizi respublikachilar bo'lgan oxirgi Kongressdan o'zgarishni anglatadi. Bizning tahlilimiz 2021 yil 26 -yanvar holatiga ko'ra Kongressning 532 ovoz beruvchi a'zosini aks ettiradi.

Ushbu tahlil Pew tadqiqot markazining AQSh Kongressining irqiy va etnik tarkibini tahlil qilish bo'yicha oldingi ishlariga asoslanadi. 117 -Kongressdagi irqiy va etnik ozchilik qonunchilar sonini aniqlash uchun biz Kongress tadqiqot xizmati ma'lumotlaridan foydalanganmiz. AQSh aholisi to'g'risidagi ma'lumotlar AQSh aholini ro'yxatga olish byurosidan olingan. Tarixiy ma'lumotlar CQ Roll Call, CRS va Brookings Institutidan olingan. Barcha irqiy guruhlar bir irqli ispan bo'lmaganlarga tegishli. Ispaniyaliklar har qanday irqqa tegishli. Gavayi mahalliy vakili Kay Kahele (D-Gavayi) mahalliy amerikalik qonunchilar bilan hisoblangan.

Bizning tahlilimiz Kongressning 2021 yil 26-yanvar holatiga ko'ra 532 ta ovoz bergan a'zosini aks ettiradi. Uyda Nyu-Yorkdagi bitta musobaqa hali chaqirilmagan va Luiziana shtatidagi bitta o'rindiq bo'sh, chunki saylangan kongressmen qasamyod qabul qilishdan oldin vafot etgan. Yanvar oyida Bayden ma'muriyatiga qo'shilish uchun iste'foga chiqqan Luiziana shtatining sobiq vakili Sedrik Richmondni biz kiritmadik. Vakillar palatasi a'zolarining hozirgi soni 432 kishini tashkil etadi. Bayden ma'muriyati nomzodlari yozish paytida hali tasdiqlanmaganlar bizning hisobimizga kiritilgan. Kongressning mustaqil a'zolari ular partiyasi bilan hisoblashadi.

Garchi yaqinda o'tkazilgan Kongresslar irqiy va etnik xilma -xillik uchun yangi cho'qqilarni o'rnatishda davom etishsa -da, ular AQShning umumiy aholisiga nisbatan nomutanosib ravishda oq rangda bo'lishgan. Ispan bo'lmagan oq tanli amerikaliklar yangi Kongressda ovoz beruvchilarning 77% ni tashkil qiladi, bu ularning umumiy AQSh aholisining 60% ulushidan ancha katta. Vaqt o'tishi bilan bu farq kamaymadi: 1981 yilda Kongress a'zolarining 94 foizi oq tanli edi, AQSh aholisining 80 foizi.

Ammo Vakillar palatasida ba'zi irqiy va etnik guruhlarning vakillari ularning umumiy aholisining ulushi bilan tenglashdi. Masalan, uy a'zolarining 13% qora tanlilar bo'lib, ular qora tanli amerikaliklar ulushiga teng. Va tubjoy amerikaliklar hozir ham Vakillar palatasi va AQSh aholisining taxminan 1% ni tashkil qiladi.

Uydagi boshqa irqiy va etnik guruhlarning vakillari aholi ulushiga nisbatan biroz kamroq. Hispaniklarning AQSh aholisidagi ulushi (19%) uydagidan (9%) qariyb ikki baravar yuqori. Osiyo amerikaliklari va Tinch okeani orolining aholisi birgalikda milliy aholining 6% va uy a'zolarining 3% ni tashkil qiladi.

Bu tahlilga bir nechta irqiy yoki etnik identifikatsiyaga kiruvchi to'rtta vakil kiradi: Robert Robert Skot, D-Va., Qora va Osiyo deb hisoblanadi. Vakillar. Antonio Delgado va Ritchi Torres, Nyu -York demokratlari, qora va ispaniyaliklar ro'yxatiga kiritilgan. Vakil Merilin Striklend, D-Wash, shtat vakili bo'lgan birinchi qora tanli qonunchi va Kongressga saylangan birinchi koreys amerikalik ayollardan biri. Gavayi mahalliy vakili Kay Kahele (D-Gavayi) mahalliy amerikalik qonunchilar bilan hisoblangan. Portugal -amerikalik a'zolar ispan hisobiga kiritilmagan.

Palatada respublikachilar yangi saylangan ozchilik vakillarining ulushini o'tmishdagidan ko'proq tashkil qiladi. Oq bo'lmagan boshqa 16 nafar birinchi kurs talabalaridan to'qqiztasi respublikachilar, 116-Kongressdagi 22 yangi vakillardan faqat bittasi. Bu birinchi kurs kogortasida palatadagi ikkita qora tanli respublikachilar bor: Yuta shtatidan Berjess Ouens va Florida shtatidan Bayron Donalds.

116 senator - irqiy yoki etnik ozchilik, 116 -Kongressda to'qqiztadan. Oltita senator ispan, ikkitasi osiyolik va uchtasi qora tanli. Birinchi kurs talabasi Rafael Varnok - Gruziyani vakili bo'lgan birinchi qora tanli senator, boshqa bir kurs talabasi - Aleks Padilla - Kaliforniya shtatining birinchi ispan senatori. Padilla vitse -prezident va sobiq senator Kamala Xarrisni almashtirdi, u Senatda xizmat qiladigan to'rtta rangli ayollardan biri (va yagona qora tanli ayol) edi.

Oq tanli bo'lmagan 11 senatordan faqat uchtasi respublikachilar: Janubiy Karolinadan Tim Skott qora tanli, Florida shtatidan Marko Rubio va Texasdan Ted Kruz ispaniyalik.


Millati

Ma'nosidagi muammolar tufayli poyga, ko'p sotsiologlar bu atamani afzal ko'rishadi millati rang -barang odamlar va o'ziga xos madaniy merosga ega bo'lganlar haqida gapirganda. Shu nuqtai nazardan, etnik guruh - bu umumiy milliy yoki mintaqaviy kelib chiqishidan kelib chiqqan holda, umumiy guruhlarni bir -biridan farq qiladigan umumiy ijtimoiy, madaniy va tarixiy tajribalarni anglatadi. Xuddi shunday, etnik guruh - bu o'ziga xos e'tiqodlar, qadriyatlar va xulq -atvorga ega bo'lgan, kichik guruhga mansubligini ma'lum darajada sezadigan, ijtimoiy, madaniy va tarixiy tajribalarga ega bo'lgan aholining kichik guruhi. Shunday qilib, shartlar o'ylab topilgan millati va etnik guruh atamalarning biologik ma'nosidan qoching poyga va irqiy guruh.

Shu bilan birga, biz etnik etiqodga bergan ahamiyatimiz shuni ko'rsatadiki, u ko'p jihatdan ijtimoiy qurilishdir va bizning etnik a'zoligimiz bizga qanday munosabatda bo'lishining muhim oqibatlarini keltirib chiqaradi. Xususan, tarix va amaldagi amaliyot shuni ko'rsatadiki, o'z millatimizdan kelib chiqqan turli millat vakillariga xurofot ko'rsatish oson. Ushbu bobning qolgan qismida AQShda bugungi kunda etnik kelib chiqishi oq va yevropalik bo'lmagan odamlarga nisbatan xurofot va kamsitishlar ko'rib chiqiladi. Bugungi kunda butun dunyoda etnik mojaro o'zining yomon boshini ko'tarishda davom etmoqda. 1990-2000 yillar Sharqiy Evropa, Afrika va boshqa joylardagi etnik guruhlar o'rtasida etnik tozalash va janglar bilan to'ldi. Bizning etnik merosimiz bizni ko'p jihatdan shakllantiradi va ko'pchiligimizni mag'rurlikka to'ldiradi, lekin ular ham ko'p janjallar, noto'g'ri qarashlar va hatto nafrat manbai, chunki bu bobdan boshlangan nafrat jinoyati haqidagi hikoya bizni afsus bilan eslatadi.

Asosiy paketlar

  • Sotsiologlarning fikricha, irq eng yaxshi biologik toifaga emas, balki ijtimoiy qurilish deb hisoblanadi.
  • "Etnik" va "etnik" "irq" va "irq" biologik ma'nolarini oldini oladi.

Sizning sharhingiz uchun

  1. Siz bilishingiz mumkin bo'lgan har bir odamning ro'yxatini yozing, kimning nasli bir millatli yoki ko'p millatli. Bu odamlar o'zlarini nima deb hisoblaydilar?
  2. Irqni biologik toifaga emas, balki ijtimoiy qurilishga ishora qiluvchi ikkita yoki uchta misolni sanab bering.

MITda osiyolik amerikalik bo'lish haqida qidiruv munozarasi

MIT Yangiliklar ofisining veb-saytiga yuklab olish uchun rasmlar Creative Commons Attribution notijorat türevsiz litsenziyasi ostida notijorat tashkilotlar, matbuot va keng jamoatchilikka taqdim etiladi. Siz taqdim etilgan tasvirlarni o'lchamiga qarab o'zgartira olmaysiz. Rasmlarni takrorlashda kredit liniyasidan foydalanish kerak, agar quyida ko'rsatilmagan bo'lsa, tasvirlarni "MIT" ga qarating.

Oldingi rasm Keyingi rasm

18-may kuni bo'lib o'tgan keng ko'lamli panel munozarasi Osiyo-Amerika va Tinch okeani orollarida yashovchilarning o'ziga xosligi va MITda qabul qilinishining murakkabligini ko'rib chiqdi, shu bilan birga xurofotga qarshi kurashish va tenglik yaratish uchun guruhlar o'rtasida hamkorlikda ishlash zarurligini ta'kidladi.

Onlayn forum AQShda osiyolik amerikaliklarga nisbatan davom etayotgan zo'ravonlik hujumlari fonida bo'lib o'tdi, bu esa jamoatchilikni Osiyoga qarshi kamsitish haqida xabardorligini oshirdi. Ammo professor-o'qituvchilar, talabalar va xodimlar ishtirokidagi forum, Amerikaga qarshi zo'ravonlik, stereotip va chetlatish AQShda uzoq tarixga ega ekanligini aniq ko'rsatdi.

Haqiqatan ham, MITning uchta o'qituvchisining taqdimotlarini o'z ichiga olgan tadbirning birinchi segmentida Osiyo -Amerika va Tinch okeani orollarining ko'plab guruhlariga qarshi tizimli qarashlar sharoitida kurashish muhimligini ta'kidladi. Bu ham tarixni yaxshiroq o'qish, ham faollikdagi ittifoqchilik uchun yanada istiqbolli platforma.

"Ba'zida osiyolik amerikaliklar/AAPI bizning qaerda ekanligimizni bilishi adashadi", dedi tarixchi Emma Teng va T.T. va Osiyo tsivilizatsiyasi professori Vey Fong Chao. "Ba'zida biz ozchilik sifatida ko'rinamiz, ba'zida esa ko'rinmaymiz. … Va bu juda ko'p tushunmovchiliklarga va birdamlik imkoniyatlarini yo'qotishiga olib kelishi mumkin. ”

"Model ozchilik" afsonasining xavfi

"Evrosiyo: Qo'shma Shtatlar, Xitoy va Gonkongdagi aralash identifikatorlar, 1842-1943 yillar" kitobining muallifi Teng o'z fikrini "ozchiliklar modeli" afsonasining xavfiga qaratdi-bu fikr amerikalik osiyoliklarning o'ziga xosligi. yuqori yutuqlarga ega va assimilyatsiya qilingan etnik guruh. Bu fikr, Teng kuzatganidek, amerikalik osiyoliklarning ijtimoiy -iqtisodiy va madaniy xilma -xilligini hisobga olmaydi va ko'plab etnik guruhlarga, jumladan osiyolik amerikaliklar va Tinch okeani orollariga zarar etkazadi.

Birinchidan, ozchiliklarning namunaviy afsonasi boshqa ozchiliklar guruhlarining salbiy hukmlari tuziladigan standartni shakllantirishi mumkin. Teng, kontseptsiya, shuningdek, Osiyoga qarshi kamsitishga e'tiborni kamaytiradi, MITda esa bu g'oya talabalarga "yolg'on sindromi" ni yuklashi va ularga munosib bo'lmaslik hissini yuklashi mumkin.

"Men o'quvchilar o'zlarini" yomon osiyolik "deb atashganini eshitganman, agar ular barcha darslarini o'tkazib yubormasalar", dedi Teng. "Aslida, biz hammamiz bilamizki, MIT talabasi bo'lish, sizning kelib chiqishingizdan qat'i nazar, hamma uchun juda qiyin."

Nihoyat, Teng ta'kidlaganidek, ozchiliklar modeli haqidagi afsona institutlarda "bambukdan yasalgan shiftga" hissa qo'shadi, bu esa amerikalik osiyoliklarning imkoniyatlarini etakchilik bilan bog'liq bo'lmagan texnik ko'nikmalar bilan bog'lash orqali cheklaydi.

"O'ylaymanki," bambuk shiftini "turli xil kontekstlarda ko'rish mumkin, bu erda osiyoliklarni yuqori malakali, aqlli va yuksak yutuqli deb e'tirof etishadi, lekin yuqori rahbarlik lavozimlariga qo'yiladigan ijtimoiy yoki etakchilik ko'nikmalariga ega emaslar. - dedi Teng.

Eksklyuzivlikka qarshi

Ford siyosatshunoslik professori va institutning fakultet raisi saylangan Lili Tsay, shuningdek, Osiyo-Amerika eksklyuzivligi tushunchalari muammoli ekanligini aytdi.

"Afsonaviy amerikaliklar uchun ozchilik sifatida, muvaffaqiyatning ichki va madaniy manbalariga e'tibor qaratadigan bunday afsonalar bor", dedi Tsay, bunday hikoyalar "tashqi strukturaviy manbalardan e'tiborni chindan ham chetga surib qo'yadi", deb ta'kidlaydi.

Siyosiy olim Kler Jan Kim aytganidek, "amerikalik osiyoliklarga," haqiqatan ham, ozchilikni bo'ysundira olmaydi "degan afsona bilan kurashish kerak. Osiyolik amerikaliklarning yutuqlariga e'tibor qaratish, bu ma'noda, odamlarni barcha ozchiliklar guruhlari oldida turgan muvaffaqiyat to'siqlarini minimallashtirishga va guruhlar orasidagi asossiz farq tuyg'usini kuchaytirishi mumkin.

Tsay, shuningdek, Irvindagi Kaliforniya universiteti professori Kim tomonidan ishlab chiqilgan "irqiy uchburchaklar nazariyasi" stereotiplashtirish dinamikasi qanday ishlashini tushunishga yordam beradi. Uch guruh - oq tanlilar, qora tanlilar va osiyolik amerikaliklar - odamlar oq tanlilar va osiyolik amerikaliklarni muvaffaqiyatli deb atashlari mumkin, shu bilan birga qora tanlilarni chetga surib qo'yishadi, odamlar oq tanlilar va qora tanlilar Amerikadagi "ichkarilar" deb qarashlari mumkin. "Abadiy chet elliklar."

"Bu bizga osiyolik amerikaliklarni oq tanlilar va qora tanlilar o'rtasidagi tanglik sifatida qanday ishlatilishini, shuningdek, osiyolik amerikaliklar va qora tanlilar uchun qanday qiyinchiliklar bo'lishini ko'rish imkonini beradi", dedi Tsay.

Barton L. Veller tarix professori Kreyg Uaylder o'z so'zlarida 1800 -yillarga to'g'ri kelgan amerikalik osiyoliklarga nisbatan zo'ravonlikning uzoq tarixini ta'kidladi.

"19 -asrga qaytsak, bu zo'ravonlik kampaniyalari Amerika tarixida shunchalik normallashadi va osonlikcha o'chiriladi", dedi Uaylder, Qo'shma Shtatlarda "Amerika zo'ravonligini davriy ravishda qayta kashf qilish" borligini aytdi. Biz o'zimizni shunday zo'ravonlik tarixi borligini unutganga o'xshaymiz. "

Ko'p universitetlarning qullik bilan chambarchas bog'liqligi haqidagi "Ebony va Ivy: Irq, Qullik va Amerika Universitetlarining muammoli tarixi" kitobining muallifi Uaylder ta'kidlaganidek, akademiklar uzoq vaqtdan beri ozchiliklar guruhlarini chetlatish bilan shug'ullanishgan.

"1820 -yillarning amerikalik ziyolilari ... turli jamoalarning rang -barang odamlarga qarshi kampaniyalarini va boshqa diniy guruhlarga qarshi kampaniyalarini intellektual va ilmiy asoslashda muhim rol o'ynagan", dedi Uaylder. Evgenik Frensis Galtonning rasmini ko'rsatib, u "bizning institutlarimiz hech qachon tarix fonida o'tirgan begunoh aktyorlar bo'lmagan", deb qo'shimcha qildi.

Ammo, Uaylder MITda bugun shunday deb qo'shib qo'ydi: "Biz o'zimizni qanday javobgarlikka tortishimiz kerakligi haqida o'ylashimiz kerak va bu institutlar nafaqat o'tmishni tuzatibgina qolmay, balki ancha demokratikroq kelajakni tasavvur qilishimiz kerak. , ancha qamrab oluvchi va kamroq bo'linadigan ”.

Harakatlar strategiyasi

"Osiyo amerikaliklarining MITda ko'rinishi va kesishishi" tadbirini Beatriz Kantada, MIT institutining Jamiyat va tenglik ofisiga xilma -xillik va qo'shilish bo'yicha direktor tomonidan taqdim etdi. Munozarani MIT tarixi bo'limi boshlig'i Kristofer Kapozsola olib bordi.

Dastlabki fakultet taqdimotlaridan so'ng, tadbirda professor-o'qituvchilar va boshqa uchta ishtirokchi o'rtasida munozara bo'lib o'tdi, ular suhbatdoshlar va sharhlovchilar sifatida ish olib borishdi: Eesha Banerji, elektrotexnika va informatika bo'yicha birinchi kurs talabasi Ameliya Li Dogan, shaharshunoslik ikkinchi kurs talabasi va kompyuter fanlari bilan rejalashtirish va amerikalik tadqiqotlar va Rupinder Grewal, tadqiqot ishlari bo'yicha vitse -prezident ofisida manfaatlar to'qnashuvi xodimi va MITda Osiyo -Tinch okeani amerikalik xodimlar resurslari guruhining etakchisi.

Grewal, masalan, ish joylaridan "bambuk shiftini" olib tashlashga qanday yondashuvlar yordam berishi mumkinligi haqida Tengni so'radi.

"Bu haqda nima qilamiz?" - so'radi Grewal. "Biz hikoyani qanday o'zgartiramiz? Mas'uliyat qayerda? ”

Teng ta'kidlashicha, tadqiqotlar shuni ko'rsatadiki, amerikalik osiyolik, agar ular qat'iyatliroq harakat qilsalar, ish joylarida "jazo" oladi: "Ular malakali, biroz passiv va boshqalarga g'amxo'rlik qiladigan rolga ega bo'lishlari kutilmoqda. "Men osiyolik amerikalik ayolman va hozir o'zimni aytmoqchi bo'laman", deyish oddiy echim emas. "Aytishlaricha, u Tsayning bambukdan yasalgan shiftini yorib o'tganini ko'rdi. va Sharqiy Osiyodan birinchi odam MIT fakulteti raisi etib saylandi.

Muhokamaning muhim qismi turli manfaatdor guruhlar birdamligiga qaratildi. Banerji, guruhdan, "Osiyo birdamligini yaratish va boshqa guruhlarning ehtiyojlarini markazlashtirishda, ijtimoiy -iqtisodiy yoki vakillik nuqtai nazaridan ko'proq imtiyozga ega bo'lishi mumkin bo'lgan Osiyo -Amerika hamjamiyati a'zolarining roli" haqida izoh berishni so'radi.

Tsay, bunga javoban, samarali siyosiy ittifoqlarni qo'llab -quvvatlash juda muhim ekanligini aytdi. Uning ta'kidlashicha, ba'zi tadqiqotlar shuni ko'rsatadiki, "biz hammamiz a'zo bo'lmagan guruhlarni himoya qilishda yaxshiroqmiz. Men bu haqda tez -tez o'ylayman, chunki men o'z ta'sirimni va siyosiy kapitalimni iloji boricha samarali ishlatishni xohlayman. . Agar siz o'zingizni a'zosi sifatida ko'riladigan guruh nomidan himoya qilsangiz, u obro'sini yo'qotadi, chunki bu shaxsiy manfaat sifatida qaraladi ”.

Teng taklif qilganidek, Osiyo -Amerika va Tinch okeani orollari tajribasini "ajratish" va ba'zi o'quvchilarning o'ziga xos millatiga nisbatan traektoriyasini yaxshiroq tushunish foydasi bo'lishi mumkin. Ba'zida u shunday dedi: "Menimcha, biz har bir guruhni birma -bir tushunishimiz, guruhning ijtimoiy -iqtisodiy profilini tushunishimiz kerak".

Shu bilan birga, Doganning ta'kidlashicha, umumiy Osiyo tashkiloti bilan shug'ullanish istagi ishtirokchilarning siyosiy yo'nalishini ham aks ettirishi mumkin: Ba'zi odamlar amerikalik osiyoliklarning har xil kichik guruhlarini umumiy sa'y-harakatlar bilan bog'langan deb hisoblashlari mumkin. aniqroq.

"Menimcha, butun Osiyo targ'ibotida ko'p kurashlar bor va bu-etnik o'ziga xoslikdan farqli o'laroq, siyosiy amerikalik osiyolik bo'lish va ichki kurash va mintaqaviy nizolarimiz borasida juda chuqur suhbat." Dogan dedi. "Hozirda amerikalik osiyolik odamlar bu borada ishlamoqda."

"Turli xil bo'lishi mumkin bo'lgan dunyoni tasavvur qiling"

Banerji va Uaylder ikkalasi ham nomukammal universitetlar muloqot, harakat va taraqqiyot uchun g'ayrioddiy imkoniyatlarni taqdim etishini payqashdi.

"MITda birdamlik - bu biz hali ham harakat qilishimiz kerak", dedi Banerji. Va shunga qaramay, u ta'kidlaganidek, bu ma'lum darajada mavjud. Natijada, bitta savol - bu talabalar va boshqalar ko'p millatli tashkilotchilik va xabardorlikni kampuslardan atrofdagi shahar va shaharchalarga qanday ko'chirishi mumkin: "Biz bu erda universitet darajasida birdamlikni birlashtiramiz, buni Kembrij jamoasida qanday tarjima qilish mumkin. yoki uyga? "

O'z navbatida, Uaylderning ta'kidlashicha: "Kollej kampuslari bizga imkon beradigan narsalardan biri, o'zgacha bo'lgan dunyoni tasavvur qilishdir, shu bilan birga, siz talabalar shaharchasida o'rgangan mahorat to'plamlarini ishlatib, ularni boshqa joyga olib borasiz".

Shubhasiz, Uaylder shunday deb qo'shimcha qildi: “Kollej kampuslarida uyni tozalash juda ko'p. Biz, aslida, irqiy jihatdan murakkab bo'lmagan joylar emasmiz. Bizda katta jamiyat yuklagan yuklarning hammasi bor. Bizda mavjud bo'lgan narsalardan biri - bu mavjud zo'riqish bilan qanday kurashish haqida o'ylash uchun orqaga chekinishning hashamati. Ular osonlikcha hal qilinmasligini tan olish. "

Tadbir MIT instituti Afrika va Qora, Amerika, Karib dengizi xodimlari Resurslar guruhi Jamiyat va tenglik boshqarmasi tomonidan tashkil etildi va homiylik qilindi. MIT Global Tillar MIT tarixi Mashinasozlik bo'limi Ko'p madaniyatli dasturlar bo'limi va Bakalavrlar uyushmasi.


Gettolar: etnik izolyatsiyaning o'zgaruvchan oqibatlari

Bizning jamiyatimizning eng daromadli va samarali elementlari bizning shaharlarimizda joylashgan. Uoll-stritni tashkil etuvchi moliyachilarning hayratlanarli darajada aglomeratsiyasidan tortib, Gollivuddagi rassomlar va kinostudiyalar klasteriga qadar, shaharlardagi resurslarning kontsentratsiyasi jahon darajasidagi savdo va sanoat markazlarini yaratish uchun muhim ko'rinadi. Shaharlar savdoni osonlashtiradi, ixtisoslashgan ishlab chiqaruvchilar uchun bozorlarni ta'minlaydi va, ehtimol, eng muhimi, g'oyalar oqimini tezlashtiradi. Bu afzalliklar tufayli, katta shahar ishchilari shahar bo'lmaganlarga qaraganda ko'proq maosh oladilar-28 foiz ko'proq, ta'lim, yosh, irq, kasb va jinsni nazorat qilib. Albatta, tanazzulga yuz tutayotgan shaharlar bor, ayniqsa, yaxshi o'qimagan ishchi kuchi bo'lmagan yoki ishlab chiqarishga juda katta majburiyat olgan shaharlar. Ammo urbanizatsiya va iqtisodiy o'sish o'rtasidagi umumiy bog'liqlik shunchalik empirik haqiqatdirki, u erda urbanizatsiyalanmagan, boy va zamonaviy mamlakatni topish qiyin.

Shunday qilib, ishlab chiqarish muhitida qashshoq etnik guruhlarning geografik kontsentratsiyasini topish bezovta qiladi. "Getto" deb nomlanadigan bu tumanlar, gavjum shahar markazidan tashqari, madaniy, intellektual va iqtisodiy jihatdan ishlaydi. Uoll -stritdan Janubiy Bronksgacha bo'lgan masofa, bu o'lchamlar bo'yicha, Nyu -York, London yoki Tokio orasidagi masofadan katta. Tarix davomida shaharlar turli etnik tumanlarni o'z ichiga olgan. Ammo kamdan-kam hollarda ular bugungi kunda AQSh shaharlaridan topilgan afro-amerikalik tumanlar singari izolyatsiya qilingan va qashshoqlashgan.

Qo'shma Shtatlarga kelgan barcha asosiy muhojir guruhlari o'z turar joylarini qurdilar. Yigirmanchi asrning boshlarida Irlandiya va Sharqiy Evropadan kelgan muhojirlar aslida qora tanlilarga qaraganda ancha ajratilgan edi. Bu muhojirlar qisman birlashdilar, chunki ularga Yanki hududlarida yashash cheklangan edi, lekin qisman ixtiyoriy ravishda. Ular o'z tilida gaplashadigan joyga joylashish va hech bo'lmaganda tanish bo'lgan taomlarni olish ancha osonlashdi. Sotsiolog Gerbert Gans ta'riflaganidek, Bostonning Italiya g'arbiy chekkasi eski mamlakat bilan yangi o'rtasida joylashgan yarim yo'l edi. Chet elda yashovchilar tez -tez qaqshatqich, arxaik jamiyatda o'tirgan deb hisoblagan joyda, Gans Amerikada o'z yo'lini topishga yordam beradigan madaniyatni saqlagan sog'lom jamiyatni ko'rdi.

Bugungi kunda reklama beruvchilar ko'plab shahar mahallalarida faqat ispan belgilaridan foydalanadilar. Polsha - Chikago va Janubiy Boston shaharlaridagi birinchi tildir. Bostonning Italiyaning Shimoliy End shahri - bu shaharning qimmatbaho boyligi, yaqin atrofdagi Italiya aholisi va mehmonlari tomonidan qadrlanadi. Yahudiy teatri yaratilishidan, irland siyosatchilarining ta'sirigacha, Chinatown restoranlariga qadar, etnik tumanlar qimmatli ijtimoiy va iqtisodiy vazifalarni bajarishini ko'rsatadigan ko'plab dalillar mavjud.

Shunga qaramay, afro-amerikalik gettolar asosiy shahardan ajratilishi juda zararli bo'lishi mumkin. Gettolar savdo va fikr almashish uchun muhim imkoniyatlarga to'sqinlik qiladigan sun'iy to'siqlar yaratadi va bu aholini shahar sharoitida yashashning asosiy ustunligidan mahrum qiladi. Bundan tashqari, segregatsiya shaharning qolgan qismini getto guruhi bilan foydali moliyaviy, ish bilan ta'minlash, biznes va madaniy aloqalarni rivojlantirishga to'sqinlik qiladi.

AFRIKA-AMERIKA GETTOLARI TARIXI

Afro-amerikalik getto-XX asrning yaratilishi. Shimoliy qora-oq munosabatlarning oltin davri 1900 yilgacha bo'lgan davrga to'g'ri keladi, deb yozadi O'rta G'arbiy gettolar tarixchilari Allan Nayz va Kennet Kusmer. O'sha paytda qora tanlilarga jamoat ob'ektlaridan foydalanish cheklanmagan va ular bugungi avlodlarga qaraganda ancha integratsiyalashgan jamoalarda yashagan.

Norasmiy amaliyotlar shimoldagi integratsiyani cheklab qo'ydi. Ammo faqat shimolga, XX asr boshlarida keng miqyosli qora migratsiyaga javoban, bu cheklovlar qattiqlashdi. W.E.B. Massachusets shtatining Buyuk Barrington shahrida tug'ilgan Garvardda o'qigan qora tanli olim DuBois, janubdan kelgan yangi muhojirlar istiqomat qilayotgan, asrning oxirida Filadelfiya gettosida yomonlashgan sharoitdan hayratda qoldi. "Politsiya bizning hukumatimiz edi va xayriya ishlari vaqti -vaqti bilan berilib bordi". Ko'p o'tmay, qonuniy ajratish apparati keldi - irqiy, cheklangan ahdlar va boshqa ko'plab qurilmalar bo'yicha rayonlashtirish. AQSh Oliy sudi 1917 yilda irqlar bo'yicha aniq rayonlashtirishni, 1948 yilda esa cheklovli ahdlarni taqiqlab qo'ydi. Lekin bu qonuniy cheklovlar 1920 yilga kelib segregatsiyaning qudratli xizmatkori bo'lib xizmat qilgan, Shimoliy shaharlardagi rang chizig'i to'liq qotib qolgan edi.

Etnik to'siqlarning kuchaytirilishi AQShning shimoliy shaharlaridagi antlack tashabbuslari bilan cheklanmagan. Janub XIX asr oxirida Jim Krouning keng qonunlarini yaratdi. G'arbda oq tanlilar osiyoliklarga qarshi cheklovchi ahdlardan foydalanganlar. Bostonda, irlandiyalik muhojirlarni Yanki muassasalaridan uzoqlashtirishga urinishlar bo'lgan, bu to'siqlar va antisemitizm cheklovlari XX asr boshlarida rasmiylashtirilgan.

Ichki osoyishtalik nafaqat protestantlar, ham qora tanlilar, ham immigrantlar o'rtasidagi ziddiyatlar bilan emas, balki qora tanlilar va muhojirlar va turli muhojir guruhlari o'rtasidagi ziddiyatlar bilan buzilgan. 1910 yilda qora tanlilar mahalliy oqlarga qaraganda chet elliklardan ko'proq ajratilgan. Nayzning Chikago gettosining tarixi, immigrantlar o'sha shahardagi qora tanlilarning eng ashaddiy raqiblari bo'lganini va qora tanlilar yangi amerikaliklarning shiddatli qarshiligiga qarshi emas, balki mahalliy oq hududlarga ko'chib o'tishni tasvirlaydi.

Segregatsiya eng ko'p qora migratsiya bo'lgan shaharlarda ko'paydi. Oq tanlilar ko'proq qora tanlilar oqimi bilan tahdid qilishdi va ularning irqchiliklari kuchayib ketdi. Janubdan kelgan qora tanli muhojirlar, shimoldagi shahar gettosida, boshqa shahar muhojir jamoalarida ko'riladigan ko'plab "diqqatga sazovor joylarni" topdilar. Most were arriving from an inhospitable, impoverished region that still relied on lynching as a tool of discipline, and many valued the comfort of their own community.

African-American ghettos also started out well, economically. In the Midwest, ghettos were built on high wages from manufacturing jobs. In New York City, the housing was superb. Developers in Harlem had built state-of-the-art apartment buildings around the new subway extension for upwardly mobile whites, writes historian Gilbert Osofsky. But they overbuilt, and entrepreneurial real estate agents, of both races, quickly filled vacant units with blacks. By the end of the 1920s, Harlem was home to the nation's largest concentration of African-Americans. Migrants from the South, to use Nicholas Lemann's phrase, generally had come to see Northern ghettos as "the promised land."

The segregation of the foreign-born also rose, for similar reasons, during their period of great in-migration, 1890 to 1920. But once America ended its open-door immigration policy in the mid-1920s, the segregation of the foreign-born began to decline.

African-American segregation continued to rise however, until it reached its peak in the 1960s. It rose in every decade and in cities of all sizes, and in all regions of the country. While the great growth came before World War II, segregation increased after the war as well. It continued to rise perhaps because the black migration north, stimulated by the cutoff of foreign immigration, extended over a much longer period than the influx of other immigrant groups. And white flight to the suburbs led to an increasingly isolated black inner-city population.

The segregation of blacks in Northern U.S. cities began to level off in the 1960s. The U.S. "segregation index" -- the number of blacks who would need to move to distribute the races evenly across metropolitan areas -- had reached an all-time high of 74 percent. The index thereafter declined quite rapidly to its current 56 percent level, and to 74 percent for twenty-four large Northern cities. Blacks nevertheless still live far more segregated lives than any other U.S. urban group. The segregation index for Hispanics, for example, is 38 percent. And the average urban black lives in a census tract that is 60 percent black the comparable number for Asians is 19 percent.

The decline in racial segregation from its peak in the 1960s might stem from the end of the legal barriers needed to keep areas all white. Thirty years ago, ghettos existed primarily because legal restrictions made it impossible for blacks to leave. The barriers today are more subtle, and economic. David Cutler, Jacob Vigdor, and I, examining the price of otherwise similar housing, find that ghettos now exist primarily because whites will pay more to live in areas with few, if any, blacks. Middle-class blacks can buy their way out of the ghetto, but those at the bottom of the income ladder are unable to leave. The black segregation index declined primarily because areas that used to be all white now have a small number of blacks. The African-American ghettos have not become any less black. They just house a smaller share of the nation's urban black population.

Economic conditions in African-American ghettos have deteriorated quite sharply over the past three and a half decades. The inner city, which once might have looked like a promised land, doesn't much resemble one today. This is partly a statistical phenomenon. The ability of more affluent blacks to leave has lowered the average income of those who remain. The poverty of inner-city blacks also reflects the declining economic position of Americans of all races at the bottom of the income ladder. But a growing body of research shows that the segregation of American blacks in inner-city ghettos further damages their economic chances.

The oldest and the most easily understandable evidence on ghettos compares blacks who grew up in segregated neighborhoods with those raised in integrated neighborhoods. The literature began with a 1968 study, by economist John Kain, in which Kain documented that blacks who lived in ghettos had worse labor-market outcomes than those who did not. Kain's explanation was "spatial mismatch" -- that ghetto residents lived far from where the urban jobs were located. According to Kain, the key economic advantage of living in a city -- the opportunities urban environments create for trade and exchange -- thus lay beyond the reach of ghetto residents. Subsequent research has generally corroborated Kain's results. Extremely black neighborhoods are generally located far from job opportunities, and residents do worse, economically, than blacks from more integrated areas.

There is a methodological problem with this type of study, however. A connection between living in a ghetto and being poor need not imply that ghettos create poverty. Poverty could also create ghettos -- it could be that poor people can't afford to live elsewhere.

Katherine O'Regan and John Quigley published a particularly fine study that addressed this issue in the May/June 1996 issue of the New England Economic Review. O'Regan and Quigley's study examined young blacks and Hispanics who still live at home. Since their parents chose the neighborhood, the labor-market outcomes of these young people should have little effect on where they live. So in any correlation between neighborhood and labor-market outcomes, causation should run from neighborhood to outcomes.

O'Regan and Quigley found, in the neighborhoods around Newark, New Jersey, that blacks and Hispanics who live in ghettos are far more likely to be idle -- to be neither in school nor working -- than those from more integrated communities. Their results suggest that the chance the average black or Hispanic youth would be employed or in school would rise a dramatic 10 percentage points if he or she moved to the neighborhood where the average white youth lives.

Why is this so? In addition to spatial mismatch, poor whites may do better because their neighborhoods are economically more heterogeneous. A critical problem with ghettos today is that almost everyone who lives there is poor. Ghettos lack the variety of incomes and skills found in other urban neighborhoods, so opportunities for trade and the exchange of ideas -- again, the key economic advantages of living in cities -- are again unavailable to ghetto residents.

NO CROSSING THE RIVER

Another way to gauge the effects of ghettos is to compare black economic outcomes across different metropolitan areas. Cutler and I divided the metropolitan areas of the United States in half -- into more and less segregated communities -- and examined various outcomes. We found that blacks between ages twenty and twenty-four in the more segregated metro areas are far more likely to be idle 22 percent are neither at work nor in school, compared to 15 percent in the more integrated areas. Segregated blacks are also more likely to have dropped out of high school 26 percent versus 21.5 percent. And segregated black women ages twenty-five to thirty are more likely to have become single mothers -- 45 percent versus 40 percent. These effects are big and statistically significant. They also hold up under alternative methods of estimation and after controlling for region, city size, and the racial composition of the metro area.

(Our study, coincidentally, found no effects of segregation on whites. Whites in segregated areas may seem to monopolize the economy's better-paying positions or otherwise "gain" from segregation. But their incomes, single motherhood, and schooling outcomes are essentially identical to those of whites in more integrated communities.)

It is possible, of course, that black poverty at the metro level causes segregation, not the other way around. (This issue of identifying causation is equivalent to the problem, in the intra-city studies, of determining whether ghettos create poverty or poverty creates ghettos.) Cutler and I examined this issue using a variable created by economist Caroline Minter Hoxby, based on her notion that topographical barriers often serve as neighborhood boundaries. We found that metro areas with more natural boundaries -- like Cleveland with the Cuyahoga River running through it -- are more segregated and have worse black outcomes. The chain of causation here must run from rivers to segregation to poverty. (Rivers presumably do not cause poverty directly and neither segregation nor poverty causes rivers.) We thus conclude that segregation -- whether created by natural or man-made factors -- results in poor black outcomes.

AMERICAN DREAMS

The African-American ghettos of the mid-twentieth century appear to have been much less harmful than those of today. In the most segregated cities, such as Chicago, Cleveland, and Detroit, African-Americans prospered as workers in America's industrial centers. The fortunes of the ghettos changed, in part, as a result of downturns in manufacturing in postwar America. But the declining vigor of African-American ghettos also resulted from a pervasive feature of all immigrant ghettos. David Cutler, Jacob Vigdor, and I found that immigrant ghettos are generally beneficial, or at least not harmful, for the first generation of residents. Today, first-generation Asians, who often do not speak English, seem to be helped by living in segregated Asian communities. But when we look at later generations still living in the earlier generation's ghetto, we see deleterious effects. This was true of Irish immigrants still living in ghettos in 1910, long after the major Irish immigration waves, or of Eastern European immigrants still living in their ghettos in 1940.

This overall pattern helps us understand why ghettos form and why they can be harmful to residents. The first generation of migrants benefits from the social networks, the cultural comforts, and the protection against native hostility. But ghettos deprive their children of contacts with the broader world and with the informational connections that make cities so strong. The negative effects of ghetto isolation are exacerbated as many of the ghetto's most able children then leave for more integrated communities, or for more prosperous segregated communities. So thirty years after the immigrant ghetto was a vibrant community, it typically becomes an island distant from the city, whose inhabitants rarely experience the best features of U.S. urban society.

RESPONSIBILTY

The empirical evidence clearly indicates that ghettos hurt blacks a great deal. Ghetto walls separate residents from mainstream society, from mainstream jobs, and from contact with successful whites and blacks. The suffering is real, as is the resulting crime, disorder, and social distress. The magnitude of these problems, moreover, is sufficiently large to merit significant government intervention.

While the evidence justifies action, policymakers have little idea about what should be done. In the past, many well-intentioned interventions caused more harm than good.

Perhaps the most egregious example is the large-scale housing projects of the 1950s. This generally well-intentioned policy squeezed as many minorities into as small an area as possible, increased segregation, and worsened ghetto conditions. Forced school integration, or busing, as Charles Clotfelter documents, led to a substantial outflow of white children into private schools, not to increased integration. And enterprise zones, which are currently in vogue, might slow what has been, for other ethnic groups, the process of neighborhood exodus and evolution.

It does seem crucial to lessen discrimination in the housing market. Racism in individual consumer tastes seems to be the primary problem, and government cannot legislate racism away. But government can combat discrimination in real estate marketing and finance.

Policies that generate choice and use incentives instead of controls also hold promise. Housing vouchers and magnet schools, for example, attract individual blacks and whites most willing, or eager, to live and go to school with one another. The nation can also hope that evidence showing a decline in racism over the past twenty-five years is correct, and that the trend will continue.

The damage caused by African-American ghettos reinforces the importance of the idea of the "informational city." Ghetto residents live in cities and face most of the costs --monetary and otherwise -- of urban residence. But the ghetto cuts them off from the informational connections and job markets that make city living worthwhile for so many people.

The city is an enormously positive social institution. It should be able to answer the problems of its own inner core. Breaking down ghetto walls is no small task. But it will be a great achievement to connect inner-city residents to the informational advantages of downtown America.

Ghettos are formed in three ways:

  • As ports of entry where minorities, and especially immigrant minorities, voluntarily choose to live with their own kind.
  • When the majority uses compulsion -- typically violence, hostility, or legal barriers -- to force minorities into particular areas.
  • When the majority is willing and able to pay more than the minority to live with its own kind.

All three causes are typically present in the formation of any particular ghetto. But compulsion played an unusually large role in forming the African-American ghettos. We would expect these ghettos to be much more harmful than immigrant ghettos, where immigrants clustered more voluntarily.

It is often alleged that ghettos and the separation of the races create more racism and that racism -- not segregation -- explains why black outcomes are so much worse in segregated cities. This argument, however, relies on the claim that white racism is more extreme in segregated communities.

To examine the link between segregation and racism, David Cutler, Jacob Vigdor, and I examined evidence collected by the National Opinion Research Center. For the past twenty years, the Center has asked respondents whether whites and blacks should be allowed to marry, their assessment of how violent blacks are, and a myriad of other questions designed to display discriminatory attitudes.

Cutler, Vigdor, and I found that whites living in more segregated communities are indeed more likely to have discriminatory attitudes regarding housing. Compared to whites who live in completely integrated areas, those in completely segregated areas are 20 percentage points more likely to believe they have a right to segregated housing they are 36 percentage points more likely to say they would not live in a neighborhood that was 50 percent black.

But we found no connection between segregation and discrimination on questions not directly connected with housing. Whites in segregated areas actually had a more favorable assessment of blacks on some issues, such as perceiving blacks as violent. For most questions, however, there was just no connection between and segregation and discriminatory attitudes.

White discrimination in housing decisions would seem to be at least partly responsible for residential segregation. But the lack of strong connections between segregation and other racist attitudes suggests that segregation may not lead to more hatred between the races. The ghetto walls themselves, not any increase in racism they may engender, thus seem primarily responsible for the poor black outcomes associated with increased segregation.


Videoni tomosha qiling: Robert Gould Shaw and the 54th Massachusetts Regiment Memorial (Avgust 2022).