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Persepolis

Persepolis



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Persepolis - Eronning qadimiy tarixi va madaniyatining ko'zgusi. U miloddan avvalgi 518 yilda Buyuk Doro buyrug'i bilan qurilgan va taxminan 125000 kvadrat metr maydonga ega. Persepolis dunyodagi o'z davrining me'moriy durdonalaridan biri edi. Bundan tashqari, u Shiroz (Fars) ning diqqatga sazovor joylaridan biridir.

Persepolis aslida Eron rassomlarining turli xalqlar madaniyatidan foydalanishda nafosat va ijodkorlik cho'qqisidir. Ahamoniylar hukmronligi va qo'mondonligi ostida bo'lgan misrliklar, bobilliklar, yunonlar, midiyaliklar va armanlar kabi xalqlar. Doro bu majmuani qurishda o'z imperiyasida tengi yo'q poytaxt qurishni maqsad qilgan. Shuning uchun u shu maqsadda Marvdashtning ulkan tekisligini o'zining qadimiy tarixiy kelib chiqishi bilan tanladi.

Persepolis yoki Taxt Jamshidmi?

Kserks qoldiqlari kiraverishdagi yozuvda (Millatlar darvozasi deb ataladi) va ba'zi Elamit planshetlariga ko'ra, Persepolisning asl nomi "Fors shahri" deb nomlangan. Aytilishicha, Sosoniylar davrida bu bino yuz ustun, islom davrida esa "82 ustun", "8221", "8220 ta qulay minoralar" va "Sulaymon taxti" deb nomlangan. Biroq, keyinchalik, odamlar bu to'plamning yaratuvchisini tanimaganligi sababli, uni qadimgi podshoh Jamshidga bog'lab, uni Jamshid taxti deb atashdi va#8221.

Ahamoniylar davrida har mavsum uchun turar joy bor edi. Hegmatanedagi yozgi qarorgoh (hozirgi Hamedan), Susadagi qishki qarorgoh (Elam poytaxti) va Persepolis ham Eron milliy bayramlarini o'tkazish uchun bahor qarorgohi bo'lgan (Navro'z kabi).

Buyuk Dorodan keyin uning o'g'li Kserks va nabirasi Ardashir I bu san'at to'plamiga ajoyib binolar qo'shdilar. Umuman olganda, Persepolis saroylari qurilishi taxminan 180 yil davom etdi. U 200 yil ishlatilgan va Makedoniyalik Aleksandr III tomonidan vayron qilinganidan keyin tark qilingan.


"Persepolis" ning tarixiy konteksti

Marjane Satrapi yozishni boshladi Persepolis 1994 yilda Frantsiyada universitetni tugatgandan so'ng, o'sha paytda do'stlari uni grafik roman shakli bilan tanishtirishgan. Shunday qilib, u tobora o'zgaruvchan global muhitda tuzilgan matndir, ehtimol u tasvirlab bergan davrga to'g'ri keladi.

Satrapi va rsquos asari Yaqin Sharqda katta miqdordagi harbiy aralashuv va ijtimoiy bezovtalikdan oldingi davrda yaratilgan. Bu, asosan, u erda topilgan ulkan, tez -tez ishlatilmaydigan neft zaxiralari natijasidir. Energiya xavfsizligi tobora kuchayib borayotgan dunyoda, neft zaxiralari katta ahamiyatga ega, shuning uchun Eron va tabiiy boyliklarning ko'pligi katta tartibsizliklar va muammolarni keltirib chiqarishi mumkin. Eron va rsquos hukumatining ta'kidlashicha, Eronda neft zaxiralari dunyoda uchinchi o'rinda turadi, 2007 yil holatiga ko'ra, taxminan 150 milliard barrel (agar neft zaxiralari noan'anaviy bo'lsa, ikkinchi o'rinda turadi, masalan, Kanada zaxiralari bundan mustasno). Bu dunyodagi tasdiqlangan neft zaxiralarining taxminan 10% ni tashkil qiladi, shuning uchun Eron energetik qudratli davlat bo'lib, OPEK (OPEK) ning etakchi a'zolaridan biri hisoblanadi.

Anup Shoh aytganidek, G'arb iqtisodiyotining tayanchini tashkil etuvchi ulkan energiya resurslari, Yaqin Sharqdagi ta'siri va ishtiroki sobiq va hozirgi imperiya va super kuchlar, jumladan Frantsiya, Buyuk Britaniya, AQSh va sobiq Sovet Ittifoqi uchun katta ahamiyatga ega edi. Ittifoq. & Rsquo (Havolaga qarang: Yaqin Sharq: Global muammo). Darhaqiqat, bu haqiqat, ehtimol, Eron atrofidagi AQSh harbiy bazalarining soni. 1 -rasmga qarang. G'arb davlatlarining Yaqin Sharqdagi ishtiroki Satrapi yozayotgan paytda kuchayib borar edi va G'arbning Shohga ta'siri bilan boshlangan inqilobni tasvirlaydigan asari (Qarang: Persepolis, Satrapi, 14-15, 38-39 betlar) o'zining zamonaviy dunyosi eronliklari bilan katta rezonansga ega bo'lardi.

(1 -rasm: AQShning Eron atrofidagi harbiy bazalari. Rasm manbasi.)

Bundan tashqari, matn 1990-yillarning o'rtalaridan keyingi yillardagi savdo embargosi ​​va sanktsiyalar orasida yozilgan. Masalan, 1995 yilda Eronning yadroviy qurolga ega bo'lish harakatlaridan so'ng Eron terrorizmga homiylik qilgani sababli AQSh tomonidan Eronga neft va savdo sanktsiyalari kiritilgan. Dastlab, ikkala davlat ham dushman edi, chunki Eron bu ayblovlarni rad etdi va 1998 yil sentyabriga qadar Eron va Afg'oniston bilan chegarasida minglab qo'shinlarni joylashtirish bu embargolarni yanada kuchaytirdi.

Xuddi shunday, Persepolis norozilik va namoyishlar keng tarqalib, zamonaviy ijtimoiy tartibsizliklar haqida yozilgan. 1999 yil iyul oyida Satrapi tasvirlagan 1979 yilgi inqilobdan keyingi eng zo'ravon qo'zg'olonlarni keltirib chiqardi, u olti kunlik talabalar boshchiligidagi norozilik namoyishlari va tartibsizliklar va Demokratiya tarafdori bo'lgan 1000 talabani hibsga oldi.

Satrapi & rsquos asari shu tariqa siyosiy qo'rquvlar va ijtimoiy bezovtalik va parchalanish davrida yozilgan edi, va uning oxiri tinchlikka olib kelmagan inqilobni tasvirlaydigan asari uning zamonaviy tomoshabinlariga va u yozgan vaqtga to'g'ri keladi.

Matn o'rnatilganda va tarixiy voqealar Persepolis


Garchi Eron tarixan o'zgaruvchan tarixga ega bo'lsa -da, bu har doim ham shunday bo'lmagan va kashf etilgan birinchi inson huquqlari to'g'risidagi nizom Erondan kelib chiqqan. Bu miloddan avvalgi 576-530 yillarda Eron imperatori Kirning sharafiga zamonaviy yillarda & lsquoCyrus Cylinder & rsquo deb nomlangan. 2 -rasmga qarang. Silindr matni an'anaviy ravishda Injil olimlari tomonidan Bobilda asirlikda bo'lgan yahudiylarning vataniga qaytarilishining Kir va rsquo siyosatining isboti sifatida ko'rilgan. Satrapi bu merosni ongli ravishda e'tiborsiz qoldirganday tuyuladi va buning o'rniga uning matni xalqning notinch jihatlari va tarixiga qaratilgan.

(2 -rasm: Cyrus Cylinder. Britaniya muzeyidan olingan rasm)

Sarlavhasi Persepolis o'zi matnni to'g'ridan -to'g'ri Eronning notinch qadimiy tarixiga joylashtiradi. Bir paytlar Eron poytaxti bo'lgan Persepolis mamlakatning janubi-g'arbiy qismida joylashgan edi, faqat xarobalari qolgan. Miloddan avvalgi 60-30 yillar orasida yozgan yunon tarixchisi Diodor Siculus o'zining yo'q qilinishini o'zining mashhur "Bibliotheca Historica" ​​asarida batafsil bayon qilib, Persepolisda shunday yozgan:

& ldquoFors shohligining poytaxti bo'lgan. Aleksandr [Buyuk] makedoniyaliklarga uni Osiyo shaharlaridan eng nafratli deb ta'riflagan va uni o'z askarlariga talon -taroj qilish uchun bergan. (3) Podshoh ham, sharobni olib yurishdan ko'ra ochko'z bo'lib, qichqirdi: & quot; Nega biz Yunonistondan qasos olmaymiz va shaharga mash'ala qo'ymaymiz. (8) Bu butun Sharq poytaxtining oxiri edi. & Rdquo (Diod. Bibliotheca Historica. 17.70-kitob. 3-5-oyatlar)

Satrapi o'z matnini shunday shahar nomi bilan atab, o'z matnini doimiy ravishda janjallashadigan millat kontekstida joylashtirib, urush sahnasini yaxshi bilgan roman sahnasini yaratadi. Shunday qilib, uning mavqei tobora kuchayib borayotgan kapitalistik dunyo bilan rezonansga ega, bu erda Aleksandr Buyuk Aleksandrning vayronagarchiliklari zamonaviy imperializmga o'xshaydi. Qadimgi Eron tarixini batafsil ko'rib chiqish uchun BBC va rsquos vaqt jadvaliga qarang (BBC xronologiyasi)

Matn 1976 va 1994 yillar orasida yozilgan va muallifning o'n sakkiz yillik hayotini va o'tgan ikki ming yillik Eron tarixini o'z ichiga oladi. Bu 1979 yildagi Eron inqilobi yillariga to'g'ri keladi, Marjan Satrapining o'zi aytganidek, bu normal holat edi va bu sodir bo'lishi kerak edi. Afsuski, bu odamlar juda an'anaviy bo'lgan mamlakatda sodir bo'ldi va boshqa davlatlar faqat o'z javoblarini oshkor qilgan diniy mutaassiblarni ko'rishdi. & Quot (Marjane Satrapi intervyusi).

Inqilob bir necha sabablarga ko'ra sodir bo'ldi. Bu, asosan, G'arb tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlanadigan Shohning g'arbiylashtirish va sekulyarizatsiya qilish urinishlariga qarshilik ko'rsatish natijasi edi va bu Satrapi va rsquos matnida hujjatlashtirilgan asosiy sababdir. Boshqa sabablarga ko'ra, 1973 yilda neftdan olingan daromadni ishlatishga qaratilgan o'ta ambitsion iqtisodiy siyosatdan so'ng, jamoatchilikning kutish va kutishlarning o'sishi, 1977-78 yillardagi iqtisodiy qisqa muddatli keskin tanazzul va g'azab va "tuzum" ning boshqa kamchiliklari kiradi. asrlar oldin G'arb xalqlari tomonidan o'rnatilgan monarxiya ierarxiyasi).

Satrapi tasvirlagan vaqt mobaynida Eron juda ko'p tortishuvlarga sabab bo'lgan. Masalan, Eron va ndashContra ishi 1986 yil noyabr oyida Reygan ma'muriyati davrida oshkor bo'lgan Amerika siyosiy janjalidir. Iroq va Rsquos prezidenti Suddam Husaynning omon qolishida hal qiluvchi rol o'ynagan Reagan va Rsquos hukumati, Eron bilan 8 yillik urush davomida razvedka va yuz millionlab dollar qarz berishga ruxsat berib, sotish va osonlashtirishga ruxsat berdilar. Eronga qurol. Ikkala tomonning ham moliyalashtirilishi aniq bo'lganda, Reygan shunday dedi:

& quotBirinchidan, aytamanki, men o'zim va ma'muriyatim uchun javobgarlikni o'z zimmamga olaman. Bilmasligimdan qanchalik g'azablangan bo'lsam ham, men bu harakatlar uchun javobgarman. Menga xizmat qilganlardan qanchalik xafa bo'lgan bo'lsam ham, men haligacha Amerika xalqiga bu xatti -harakati uchun javob berishim kerak. (Reygan Eronga qarshi janjal haqida)

Shunday qilib, Satrapi & rsquos matni asosan, ayniqsa, so'nggi yillarda janjal va urushlar atrofida bo'lgan mamlakatda o'rnatiladi. Satrapi va rsquos matnlarining aksariyati uning shaxsiy hayotiga qaratilgan bo'lsa -da, Eron inqilobining bir qismi aniq tasvirlangan.

Hujjatlashtirilgan asosiy tarixiy voqealar quyidagilar:


Cinema Rex Fire, 1978 yil 19-avgust, 14-15-betlar:

- Eronning Abadan shahridagi "Cinema Rex" kinoteatrida 470 kishi halok bo'lgan. Hukumat islomiy jangarilarni, shohga qarshi namoyishlar hukumat razvedka xizmatini aybladi. Keyinchalik bu islomiy jangarilar ekanligi ma'lum bo'ldi.

Qora juma, 1979 yil 8 sentyabr, 38-39-betlar:

- Eron poytaxti Tehron shahridagi Jaliy maydonida namoyishchilarni otib tashlashda ishtirok etdi. Bu Eron inqilobidagi muhim voqea sifatida tasvirlangan, u erda Shoh va rsquos rejimi bilan inqilobiy harakat o'rtasida murosaga bo'lgan umid yo'qolgan. Hukumatga qarshi manbalarga ko'ra, asosan tinch namoyish Eron harbiylari tomonidan tarqatib yuborilgan, muxolifat va G'arb jurnalistlari Eron armiyasi namoyishchilarni o'ldirgani va 100 dan ortiq odam o'lgani haqida xabar berishgan.

Universitetlarning yopilishi, 1979, 73 -bet:

- Universitet va oliy ma'lumot Eronda keng tarqalgan bo'lib, islomning dastlabki asrlariga to'g'ri keladi. Yigirmanchi asrda bu tizim eskirgan deb hisoblangan va frantsuz chizig'i bo'yicha qayta qurilgan. Biroq, 1979 yildagi inqilobdan keyin mamlakatning 16 ta oliy o'quv yurti yopildi va faqat Madaniy inqilob qo'mitasi marksistik, liberal yoki boshqa har qanday "tajriba" mafkuralariga ishongan professorlarni tekshirib, ishdan bo'shatgandan so'ng qayta ochildi. Universitetlar 1982 yildan 1983 yilgacha islom nazorati ostida asta -sekin islom o'quv dasturlari bilan qayta ochildi.

G'arbiy jinsiy inqilob, 1960-80-yillar, 182-191-betlar:

- Jinsiy inqilob- bu G'arbning ijtimoiy harakati edi, 1960-80-yillardagi jinsiy aloqa va munosabatlarga oid an'ana. Bu ozodlik jinsiy aloqani nikohdan tashqari qabul qilishning ko'payishi va keng qo'llaniladigan kontratseptsiya - eng muhimi - hap - nikohgacha bo'lgan jinsiy aloqalarni normallashtirish va abortni qonuniylashtirish, gomoseksualizm va jinsiylikning muqobil shakllarini qabul qilishdan boshlandi.

Iroq Tehronni bombardimon qiladi, 1985, 256-257 betlar:

- 1985 yilda Iroq harbiy samolyotlari yakshanba kuni Tehron va Eronning boshqa ikki shahrini bombardimon qilib, Eron poytaxtining asosan turar -joylarida kamida 28 kishini o'ldirdi. Bag'dod Kuvayt rahbariga suiqasd uyushtirgani uchun reyd va lsquoretaliation va rsquo deb hisobladi va Eron o'z samolyotlari qaytarilganini aytdi.

Iroq Quvaytga hujum qiladi, 1991, 322 -bet:

- Kuvayt bosqini, keyinchalik Iroq-Kuvayt urushi nomi bilan tanilgan, iraqlik va rsquoistlar bilan Quvayt xalqi o'rtasidagi eng katta to'qnashuvlardan biri bo'lib, natijada etti oylik Quvayt Iroq tomonidan bosib olindi va G'arbning to'g'ridan-to'g'ri harbiy aralashuviga olib keldi. , Amerika boshchiligidagi kuchlar Fors ko'rfazi urushida va 1991 yilda 600 ta Kuvayt va rsquos neft quduqlarini yoqish bilan yakunlandi.

Eron va jannatning plastik kalitlari, 1980, 100-102 betlar:

- Matndagi bu epizod, Eron Islom Respublikasi rahbariyati tomonidan Eron/ Iroq (1980-1988) davrida eronlik yosh ko'ngillilarga tarqatilgan plastik va lsquoKays to Jannatga va rsquo-ga taalluqli bo'lib, ular o'lim paytida jannatga kirishni ramziy qilishganini aytgan. Hatto ba'zi zamondoshlari ham ularni bema'ni deb bilishgan.

Matn o'qilganda

2008 yilda ingliz tilida va ming yillik oxirida frantsuz tilida nashr etilgan. Persepolis Eron va G'arb o'rtasida davom etayotgan nizolar va ziddiyatli munosabatlar o'rtasida yozilgan zamonaviy matn. Yaqin Sharqqa 2003 yilda Iroq bilan boshlangan birinchi harbiy aralashuv bilan, Persepolis davom etayotgan urush va kurash bilan hamohang. AQShning 2007 yil oktyabr oyida kiritgan sanksiyalaridan so'ng, deyarli 30 yil oldin joriy qilinganidan buyon eng qattiq va Eronning yadroviy tahdidi tufayli, G'arb va AQSh o'rtasidagi munosabatlar past nuqtada edi. Shunday qilib, matnni Yaqin Sharqdagi doimiy muammolardan xabardor bo'lgan tomoshabinlar o'qiydilar va o'tgan voqealar haqida yozilgan bo'lsalar -da, hozirgi va kelajakdagi voqealarni yoritishda ajralmas deb hisoblash mumkin. Darhaqiqat, G'arbning, xususan AQShning siyosiy va madaniy hukmronligi davom etar ekan, Satrapi va rsquos matnlari, bu hukmronlik ta'sirining xavotirga soluvchi shaxsiy bayoni bo'lib, bu haqiqat Yaqin Sharqdagi dolzarb voqealar haqiqatini kuchaytiradi. Bu urushayotgan millatning haqiqiy haqiqiy va zamonaviy tasviri.


Persepolis haqida qisqacha ma'lumot

Persepolis 1979 yildagi Eron inqilobidan so'ng ochiladi, bu Eron shohi deb nomlanuvchi Amerika tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlanadigan diktatorning qulashiga olib keladi va zulmkor Islom Respublikasini o'rnatgan diniy qattiqqo'llarning ko'tarilishiga olib keladi. Marjane Satrapi, u ilgari qanday frantsuz ta'lim va diniy bo'lmagan maktabda o'qiganini tasvirlab beradi, lekin bu qanday taqiqlangan, chunki Islom Respublikasi G'arbning barcha ta'siriga ishonmaydi va yig'iladi. Bundan tashqari, rejim barcha ayollar va qizlarni hijob kiyishga majbur qiladi. Biroq, Marjeynning ota -onasi zamonaviy va dunyoviy dunyoqarashga ega, garchi ular inqilobni qayta qo'llab -quvvatlasalar, despotik hukmdor bo'lgan Shoh, ular yangi Islom Respublikasining fundamentalistik burilishidan xavotir va xavotirda edilar. Tez o'sishga majbur bo'lgan Marjane Eron tarixi va uning ko'p asrlik tarixi davomida bosib olgan ko'plab bosqinchilar va hukmdorlar haqida bilib olishni boshlaydi. Uning bobosi fors shahzodasi edi, u ko'pincha shoh hukmronligi ostida qamoqqa olingan va qiynoqlarga solingan. U, shuningdek, turli xil ijtimoiy tabaqalar mavjudligini va bu mamlakatdagi keskinlik va azob -uqubatlarning bir ildizi ekanligini tushuna boshlaydi.

Inqilob tugaganidan va Shoh hokimiyatdan chetlatilgandan so'ng, ko'plab siyosiy mahbuslar qamoqdan ozod qilingan, jumladan yillar davomida qamoqda bo'lgan inqilobchi Siamak va Mohsen. Ular boshidan kechirgan qiynoqlar va guvoh bo'lgan o'limlar haqida gapirishadi. Bu ikki odamni qahramon deb o'ylab, Marjan o'z otasining qahramon emasligidan va uning oilasida hech kim bitta emasligidan hafsalasi pir bo'ladi. Biroq, u Shohga qarshi faoliyati uchun hibsga olinmasligi uchun Erondan SSSRga qochib ketgan amakisi Anush bilan uchrashganda, u hayajonlanadi. Biroq, u Eronga qaytib kelganida, uning niqobi uni qamoqdan chiqara olmasdi va u erda ko'p tanazzulga uchradi. Marjane uni qahramon deb biladi va u qamoqda bo'lgan oqqushni unga uzatadi. Afsuski, ko'p o'tmay, qattiq hukumat davrida mamlakatning yangi radikallashuvi bilan, ozod qilingan sobiq siyosiy mahbuslar yana nishonga aylanadi va Mohsen o'ldiriladi, garchi Siamak mamlakatdan chiqib ketishga muvaffaq bo'lsa. Anoosh hibsga olinadi va Marjeynga qatl qilinishidan oldin uni ko'rishga ruxsat beriladi. Bu Marjane Xudoni rad etadigan nuqta.

Marjane oilasi va do'stlarining ko'plari mamlakatni tark etishadi, lekin Satrapis iqtisodiy sabablarga ko'ra Eronda qolishga qaror qilishadi. Ko'p o'tmay, Marjane onasini erkaklar pardasini olmaganliklari uchun ta'qib qilishadi va Marjane va uning oilasi pardaga qarshi oxirgi namoyishga chiqishadi, bu juda zo'ravonlikka aylanadi. Ko'p o'tmay Iroq-Eron urushi boshlanadi. Bu Marjane uchun buyuk millatchilik davri, chunki u Eronni dushmanini mag'lub etishini juda xohlardi, lekin urush davom etar ekan, u urush, qahramonlik va shahidlik-hukumat tuzumi qadrlaydigan narsaning narxini tushuna boshlaydi. uning do'sti Paradisening otasi, qiruvchi uchuvchi Bag'dodni bombardimon qilib o'lganida. Yangi urush Eron janubidan ko'plab qochqinlarni shimoldan Tehronga olib keladi va ko'plab yosh bolalar armiyaga chaqiriladi. Ularga millat uchun o'lganidan keyin jannatga oson kirishni ramzi sifatida oltin rangga bo'yalgan plastik kalitlar beriladi. Marjane va uning oilasi buni jirkanch yolg'on deb bilishadi, chunki bu faqat kambag'allarga aytilgan.

Urush paytida, mamlakatda o'z xalqini nazorat qilish yanada kuchayadi va Satrapisning taqiqlangan sharob ta'minoti - odamlar odatdagidek urinish sifatida partiyalar o'tkazayotgani deyarli aniq bo'ladi. Marjane ota -onasi Turkiyaga safaridan so'ng, Marjane uchun g'arbiy buyumlarni, masalan, plakatlar va krossovkalarni yashirganlarida, Inqilob qo'riqchilarining ayollar bo'limining ikki a'zosi Marjeynni hibsga olishdi. Iroqliklar Tehronga qarshi juda halokatli ballistik raketalarni qo'llaydilar va bir kun kelib Satrapisning yahudiy qo'shnilarining uyi vayron bo'ladi, garchi dastlab Marjane o'z uyi urilgan deb o'ylagan bo'lsa -da. Shunday bo'lsa -da, Marjan uyining vayronalari ostida o'lgan do'sti Nedaning kesilgan qo'lini ko'rib, qattiq jarohat oladi. Har doim isyonkor bo'lgan Marjane yanada kuchayadi. U jasur, jasur bo'lib, maktabda direktoriga shapaloq uradi va u darhol chiqarib yuboriladi. Hatto yangi maktabda ham u o'z fikrlarini aytadi va Marjane oilasi Marjane o'z erkinligini ta'minlaydigan mamlakatda o'qishni davom ettirishini eng yaxshi (va eng xavfsiz) deb hisoblaydi. Ko'z yoshlari bilan Marjane oilasini tashlab, Avstriyaning Vena shahrida yangi hayotga yo'l oladi.


MAVZU

Fuqarolik nizosi va milliy ziddiyat

Satrapi aytgan paytdagi Erondagi vaziyat murakkab, chunki urushning ikki turi bor. Birinchisi, Eron xalqi va uning hukumati o'rtasidagi ichki kurash, chunki shohning zolim rejimi oyatulloh Xomeyniyning zolim rejimiga yo'l beradi. Ikkinchisi-1980-1988 yillardagi Eron-Iroq urushi, u uchdan bir qismi bilan boshlanadi va aniqroq urush deb ta'riflanadi.

Ko'pincha, ikkita urushning bir -biriga qarama -qarshi ko'rinadigan tabiati Satrapi tomonidan engillashadi. Iroq bilan urush qizib ketganda, Marjiy va uning otasi vatanparvarlik to'lqiniga tushadi, chunki Xomeyniy rejimi davrida taqiqlangan davlat madhiyasi televizorda yangraydi. Keyinchalik ular muvaffaqiyatsiz to'ntarish uchun hukumat tomonidan qamoqqa olingan qiruvchi uchuvchilar o'z vatani uchun kurashishga rozi bo'lishdan oldin madhiyani eshittirishni talab qilishganini aniqladilar. Garchi fundamentalizm va sekulyarizm mamlakatni tashqi tahdiddan himoya qilish uchun bir -birlari bilan murosaga kelsalar ham, milliy birlashish imkonsiz bo'lib qolmoqda.

Ijtimoiy norozilik

Fuqarolik janjal Persepolis Bu ikki bosqichda sodir bo'ladi: Eron shohiga qarshi to'g'ridan -to'g'ri namoyishlar va Islom Respublikasi hukumati o'z qo'liga olganda, muxolifatning yanada nozik shakllari. Marjining ota -onasi Shohga qarshi bag'ishlangan namoyishchilar, lekin islomning fundamentalistik tamoyillari yangi Eron Islom Respublikasining asosiga aylanganda, ularning dunyoviy siyosati ularni xavf ostiga qo'yadi. Kitobda Islom inqilobining buyuk istehzolaridan biri tasvirlangan, shoh tutgan siyosiy mahbuslar ozod qilingan qahramonga aylanishgan, faqat ko'p o'tmay yangi hukumatning inqilob islomiy qo'riqchilari tomonidan qatl etilgan.

Fundamentalistlarning o'ta shafqatsizligini inobatga olgan holda, norozilik ommaviy ommaviy namoyishlardan qarshilikning kichik belgilariga o'zgaradi. Satrapi fundamentalistlar va progressivlar o'rtasidagi tashqi ko'rinishdagi farqlarni ko'rsatish uchun jadvaldan foydalanadi. Progressiv eronliklar o'z erkinliklarini noqonuniy partiyalar o'tkazish va spirtli ichimliklar bilan ifoda etishadi. Bu xavfli va katta jazoga tortilishi mumkin, lekin hayotdan lazzatlanish talabi ko'pincha tavakkal qilishga arziydi. "Hamma xavf -xatarlarga qaramay, partiyalar davom etishdi." Ularsiz psixologik chidab bo'lmasdi ", - deyishdi" partiyalarsiz, biz hozir o'zimizni ko'mishimiz mumkin edi ", deb qo'shishdi boshqalar.

Bu, ayniqsa, Eron yoshlari uchun to'g'ri keldi, ular individual erkinlikka intilib, erisha oladigan (yoki qutulish) chegaralarini sinab ko'rdilar. Dastlab Marji ota -onasi ishtirok etadigan namoyishlarda ishtirok etishni xohlaydi, lekin ular xavfliroq bo'lib ulg'aygan sari uning isyonining diqqat markazini o'zgartiradi. O'smirlik davriga yaqinlashganda, Marji isyonni shaxsiy nuqtai nazardan tushunadi, Kanzas shtatidagi restoranga, katta yoshli qizlar bilan, taqiqlangan pop -musiqalarni tinglaydi, va onasi darsga kirganda, uni "Diktator!" Taqqoslashda o'ta og'ir bo'lsa -da, bu almashinuv ota -ona qiyinchiliklarini boshdan kechirayotgan har qanday o'smirning hissiy rezonansiga ega.

Bolalar nuqtai nazaridan urush

Bu hikoya yosh eronlik qizning nuqtai nazari bilan aytilgan, shuning uchun nuqtai nazar adabiyotda uchraydigan urush va inqilob haqidagi odatiy voqealardan keskin farq qiladi. Asosiy voqealar haqida aniq ma'lumot juda kam, bu tarixiy davrning shaxsiy hisobi, faktlar va sanalar bilan ob'ektiv tarixiy hisobdan farqli o'laroq. Qolaversa, boshqa madaniyatdagi kitobxonlar uchun muhim tuyulishi mumkin bo'lgan narsalar yosh Marji nuqtai nazaridan unchalik muhim emas. Ehtimol, Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlaridan kelgan o'quvchilarni hayratga soladigan narsa, Amerikadagi garov inqirozi - Amerikaning Eron haqidagi tushunchasida haligacha hal qiluvchi voqealardan biri - bitta sahifada ko'rib chiqilgan. Garov inqirozining o'zi Satrapis uchun muhim emas (garchi ular fundamentalist talabalarning fikriga qo'shilmasalar ham), lekin Amerikaga tashrif buyurish uchun viza yo'qligi oqibati muhim.

Bolaligida Marji - bilim uchun ochiq idish. O'quvchilar Eron tarixini Marji buvisi, ota -onasi va Anush amaki kabi qarindoshlaridan eshitgan hikoyalar orqali bilib oladilar. Uning oilasi qirollik oilasidan bo'lganligi sababli, uzoq tarixiy voqealarga yaqinlik bor, va ko'pincha, tarixiy hikoyalar qandaydir tarzda Marjining qarindoshlariga xosdir. Biz, shuningdek, Marji va uning do'stlari kattalar olamining turli manbalaridan eshitganlarini maktab, televidenie, ularning ota -onalari, hatto boshqa birov eshitgan narsalar haqida uchinchi tomondan aytganlarini takrorlashlarini ko'ramiz. Bir payt Anush amaki Marjini himoya qiladi: "U eshitganini takrorlaydigan bola!" Keyinchalik, Marji targ'ibotda oqilroq bo'ladi, lekin bunday tushuncha bo'lishi uchun vaqt va dunyoni bilish zarur.

Ma'naviy noaniqlik

Siyosat har doim ham Marjiga ma'no bermaydi, lekin umuman kattalarning xatti -harakati unga ma'no bermaydi. Voyaga etgan odamga qo'shimcha ahamiyatga ega bo'ladigan narsalarni - inqilobning istehzosi, amakining yurak iztirobi uning siyosiy zulmiga soya soladi - Marji to'liq tushunmaydi va natijada hech qachon to'liq tushuntirilmaydi. Bu hech qachon murakkab bo'lmagan murakkab davrdagi madaniyatning aniq ko'rinishini beradi.

U eshitgan barcha nuqtai nazarlarga ochiq bo'lgan Marji, kattalar bergan ratsionalizatsiyasiz, urush davridagi axloqning ziddiyatlarini ta'kidlaydi. Masalan, inqilobdan keyin Marjining ustozi unga darsligidagi Shohning rasmini yirtib tashlashini aytadi. U chalkashib ketdi, chunki o'sha o'qituvchi Shohni inqilobdan oldin maqtagan. Marji Satrapi komikslarining vizual uslubida aks ettirilgan dunyoni oq va oq rangda ko'rganligi sababli, o'z e'tiqodini o'zgartirishdagi siyosiy afzalliklarni tushunmaydi.

Marjining onasi do'stlari boshidan kechirgan azob -uqubatlarni eshitib, hamma qiynoqchilarni qatl qilishni talab qiladi. Biroz oldin u Marjiga kechirishni maslahat bergan edi. Marji onasidan nega azob beruvchilarni kechirmasligingizni so'raydi. Marjining onasi noaniq javob beradi: "Yomon odamlar xavfli, lekin ularni kechirish ham xavflidir. Xavotir olmang, er yuzida adolat bor". Agar biror narsa bo'lsa -da, bu Marjini "adolat" degani nimani anglatishini kamroq ishontiradi.

Axloqiy ishonchning asosiy manbai Xudoning xarakteri ekanligi muhim. U Marjiga yaqin hikoyani boshlaydi, keyin inqilob paytida kamroq uchraydi. Nihoyat, Marji amaki Anoosh qatl etilgandan keyin Xudoni buyuradi - axloqiy buzilgan paytlarda imon va ishonchning ramziy yo'qolishi.

Sinf farqlari

Yilda Persepolis, Marji sinf farqlarini biladi va u imtiyozli kishilar qatoriga kirganini bilgach, uyaladi. Eron-Iroq urushi paytida kambag'al oilalardagi yosh o'g'il bolalar frontda o'lish uchun yollanadilar, badavlat oilalar esa bunday yollashdan himoyalangan. Bu "Kalit" bobining diqqat markazidir, bu erda kambag'al o'g'illarga o'z vatani uchun o'lsa jannatga kirish va'da qilingan.

Bu kitobning eng kuchli vizual daqiqalaridan biriga olib keladi. Sahifa ikkita paneldan iborat: varaqning uchdan ikki qismi birinchi panelni o'z ichiga oladi, u erda bo'yniga osilgan plastik "jannat kalitlari" bilan minalarning maydonlarida askarlarning yuzsiz qora siluetlari portlatilgan. Pastki uchinchisi Marjining birinchi partiyasini ko'rsatadigan ikkinchi panelga bag'ishlangan. Kechaning qahramonlari - bu shaxslar, yuzsiz begonalar yoki siluetlar emas. Ular mina maydonidagi askarlar kabi havoda muzlab qolishgan, lekin bu bolalar musiqa ostida raqsga tushishmoqda. Bundan tashqari, askarlarning bo'ynida osilgan jannat kalitlari bo'lgan joyda, Marjining zanjir va mixlardan yasalgan "dekadent" punk roki bor. Shunday qilib, bolalikning ikki turi o'rtasidagi ziddiyat aks ettiriladi. Ulardan biri xavfdan o'rtacha darajada xavfsiz va yoshlik quvonchiga to'lgan, ikkinchisi qurbonlik, urush va noma'lum o'limga to'lgan.



Marjane Satrapining "pardaning ahamiyatini o'rganish"Persepolis”

1979 yildagi islom inqilobi g'arbiylashgan Eronni ag'darilgan va arxaik va patriarxal mafkuraga ega bo'lgan mamlakatga aylantirdi. Vaqt o'tishi bilan, islomiy shia urf -odatlari bo'yicha yopilgan pardani kiyish ayollar tomonidan qabul qilingan yoki qabul qilingan. Ba'zilar uchun bu marosimdir - bu Qur'onga rioya qilishdir. Boshqalar uchun, bu yuzsiz noaniqlikka moslashishni anglatadi. Satrapi bu pardani uning ichidagi o'tishni ramzi sifatida ishlatadi Persepolisuning muvofiqlik holatidan tortib, islomiy rejim ortidagi haqiqatni metaforik tarzda ochib berishgacha va oxir -oqibat ozodlikka olib boradigan to'liq isyoniga qadar.

Bizni darhol Persepolis boshlanishida Satrapining pardaga mos kelishi duch keladi. 1-rasmda Satrapi o'zini o'quvchiga tanishtiradi va bu 10 yoshida islom inqilobidan keyingi davr ekanligini ta'kidlaydi.

Bu eng tushunarli panellardan biri bo'lib, bema'ni Marjane tasvirlangan (yoki u butun Persepolisda tanilgan Marji), o'quvchiga qarab turibdi, mahbus jimgina yig'lab, qo'llarini mahkam yopgandek, yordam so'rab yig'lardi. dunyodan uzoqda. U seziladigan qalin, qora pardani kiyishga majbur bo'lgan va bunga ishtiyoqi yo'q. Bu keyingi panelda batafsil tasvirlangan, 2 -rasm. Sarlavhaning muhim qismida: "Men chap tomonda o'tiraman, shuning uchun sen meni ko'rmaysan". Satrapi ataylab ikki xil sababga ko'ra, chap qo'li ko'rsatgan holda, sinfdagi fotosuratdan chiqib ketdi: ularning hammasi bir xilda, xuddi parda bilan bir xil ko'rinadi, degan fikrni ta'kidlash uchun - ularning hammasi bir -birlari kabi yuzsiz va ahamiyatsiz. agar u fotosuratda bo'lmasa, bu muhim emas. Shuningdek, Marji o'zini rejim bilan bog'lashni xohlamaydi va uning biron bir tamoyiliga amal qilishni xohlamaydi, shu jumladan, pardani taqib yurishni ham xohlamaydi, u o'z rasmini muvofiqlik va itoatkorlik ramzi bilan taqib yurishini xohlamaydi. Garchi Marji pardani manfiy deb bilgan bo'lsa -da, Eron hukumati hijobli ayollarni qatag'on emas, balki Eron va Islom madaniyatining ifodasi sifatida ko'rdi (Begolo 3).

2 -rasmda ta'kidlash kerak bo'lgan yana bir qiziqarli nuqta shundaki, uning barcha sinfdoshlari bir vaqtning o'zida hijob kiygan holda, har xil, bo'ysungan mimikalarni ushlab turishadi. Satrapi buni o'quvchiga ataylab shunday qildi: pardasi ularni jismonan va majoziy ravishda og'irlashtirsa -da, ularning ko'z shakli va ifodasi, soch turmagi va burundagi farqlari shuni ko'rsatadiki, ular parda ostida, o'z -o'zidan ozod bo'lmoqchi bo'lgan ayollardir. .

Fig. 3 Marjining pardani idrok etishini chuqur ifodalaydi. Panelning chap tomonidagi to'rtta ayol qora pardada, ham jismonan, ham majoziy ma'noda, ko'zlari mahkam yopilgan. Satrapi buni o'quvchini "ko'zlari yumilgan" deb ishontirish uchun qasddan qilgan, chunki ular bilganlarini haqiqiy va rost deb bilishadi, lekin aslida ular urf -odatlardan "ko'r" bo'lib, ko'zlari jismonan va majoziy yopilgan. haqiqiy haqiqat nima. Bu vaqtda, Marji parda ortida haqiqat va afsona nima ekanligini bilmaydi, lekin u rejimga bo'lgan qiziqishni uyg'otishni boshlaydi va "parda" va "ozodlik" o'rtasidagi bu ikkiyuzlamaga nima sabab bo'ladi.

Bu qiziquvchanlik 4 -rasmda mukammal tarzda mustahkamlangan. Bu erda Marji, nimani bilishi kerak va nimani bilmoqchi bo'lgani o'rtasida, majoziy ma'noda uzilib qolgan - u tarbiyalangan dunyo parda bilan bog'liq bo'lmagan mantiq va aqlni ifodalovchi ishchi tishli, bolg'a va hukmdorning tasvirlari bilan tasvirlangan. . Ikkinchi yarmida asosiy islom dunyosi tasvirlangan - Marji har bir narsaning islomiy san'ati bilan bir qatorda pardasi bilan o'ralgan bo'lib, uning an'anaviy islomiy e'tiqod haqidagi tasavvurlari haqiqat emas, balki vizual ekanligini ko'rsatadi. Marjining neytral yuz ifodasi borligi, u qaysi mafkurani qabul qilishi kerakligiga ishonchsizligini ko'rsatadi, bu savol uni butun umr qiynab keladi. Persepolis.

Rejim haqidagi noxush haqiqatlar majoziy ma'noda Satrapi uchun ochiladi, bu uning aybsizligini yo'qotishiga o'xshaydi. Marjiga kommunistik bobosining hibsga olinishi haqida aytganda, u Shohnikidan farqli bo'lgan e'tiqodi uchun shafqatsiz qiynoqlarga solinganini eshitib, ko'ngli qoladi.

In Fig. 5 we see Marji’s mother sadly concluding that her grandfather was in pain all of his life. The fact that visually almost half of her face is shaded black signifies how the regime has caused her to lose faith, hope and ultimately innocence. This visual dichotomy between dark and light is reiterated in the following image of Marji, whose innocence physically evades her after hearing of the brutality of the regime. She wants “to take a bath” to empathize being in a cell filled with water, just like her grandfather. This guilt causes Marji to begin to lose faith in the regime and everything associated with it. In Fig. 6 this is further addressed to the reader visually when the Shah crowns himself as King of Kings, seeking legitimacy in the heritage of the Persian Empire (Sciolino 1). The Shah promises a modern Iran, where “People will regain their splendor” (Satrapi 27). Marji is drawn to be in the luminous moon because she is figuratively becoming enlightened, after beginning to come to the realization that the Shah’s regime was built on false promises.

Marji’s resentment for the regime continues to grow the more statistics she hears of it (regardless of their validity). After hearing that her friend’s father “was in the Savak” and that he “killed a million people,” (Santrapi 44) Marji wants to teach her supposed friend Ramin “a good lesson.” (Satrapi 45)

In fig. 7 Marji and her peers put nails between their fingers with the intention of attacking a petrified Ramin, who hides behind a tree. The eyes of Marji and her peers are closed tightly in anger, which again represents the notion that their eyes are physically and symbolically shut — they are metaphorically veiled to believe that what they are told about the regime (even if it has not been proven to be accurate) is enough justification to outright attack someone they once considered to be amongst them.

Marji is profoundly unveiled to the brutality of the regime when she hears of the torture that is exercised in Iran’s prisons. Fig. 8 depicts the brutal torture that political prisoner and family friend Ahmadi had to endure that led to his eventual assassination.

Note there are no panel walls firstly because the Satrapi wants to make it clear that the effects of the torture are everlasting, and secondly the veil virtually has been lifted — the truth behind the brutality of the regime is out in the open to Marji and the Iranian people and it is so shocking and profound that it cannot be confined within panel walls. Marji can barely comprehend what she hears, and is astounded that a domestic appliance in her home, a single iron, could be used to end someone’s life with such brutality.

It is this brutal force in the regime that kills Marji’s beloved uncle, Anoosh. After hearing the devastating news of his death, Marji experiences a significant turning point. In Fig. 9, Marji firmly tells God (or her notion of God), who has come to console her, that she never wants to see him again.

She feels betrayed by everything she thought she knew of religion, Iran, its leader and his ideologies. This harsh unveiling of the truth results in Marji’s loss of childhood innocence — she will never be the same again, and it is at this point where she begins to use the regime and its restrictive ethics as a justification for rebellion.

Satrapi uses the veil to symbolize her rebellion against the regime, which leads to her eventual freedom. In fig. 10, Marji and her classmates make a mockery of the on-going war between Iraq and Iran by knitting ill fitting, comical and impractical winter hoods for the soldiers.

They are not taking the reality of the situation seriously in any regard, and show little respect for the soldiers and/or authoritative figures behind the war. They do not realize the impact the war has taken on families, especially those of the 40,000 soldiers who died (Anon 1). This could convey to the reader that not only do the soldiers deserve the attention or respect of the girls, but it is how the girls see the veil — an article of clothing that is ill-fitting, impractical and something that they cannot take seriously, for they do not see any logic or reasoning behind it. The bottom three panels in fig. 10 illustrate Marji and her classmates’ lack of respect for an authoritative figure — in this case her teacher. When the teacher demands which student jokingly said the word “Poopoo,” Marji’s captioned response was simply that they were all united — she is making a mockery of the fact that they all look identical wearing the veil, thus they are automatically all ‘united’ as one. The far right panel shows the girls’ further disrespect for authoritative figures/people in power by making silly gestures behind the teacher’s back, after the teacher informs them that they are all suspended for one week. This is emphasized through the visual aspect of this panel — all of the girls huddled together are the exact same height as the teacher, depicting themselves as equals to the power figure. Noticeably, the power figure is depicted as wearing a continuous long black veil that shrouds her entire body, rather than the typical veil seen throughout Persepolis that meets at the shoulders. This could have been Satrapi’s intention to further illustrate that those in power were the most metaphorically veiled to the brutality of the regime.

Marji continues to rebel against the veil and the ideology it represents in fig.11. Even though she wears the compulsory veil (which she now refers to as headscarf — a slightly more laidback, modified veil) Marji puts on her “1983 Nikes” as well as her denim jacket fitted with a Michael Jackson button.

She wants to be able to express her individuality through clothing and personal style, as she is starting to come into her own self whilst slowly turning her back to the regime. When Satrapi gets caught for her “punk” clothing on the bottom right panel on p.132 (Satrapi 132), she is ultimately released — an outcome that symbolically foreshadows her eventual freedom from Iran, the veil and the ideologies it represents at the end of Persepolis.

Despite its negative connotations, the veil has physically and metaphorically guided Satrapi to her eventual freedom. Despite her initial state of conformity, at the end of her journey in Persepolis, Satrapi is no longer metaphorically ‘veiled’ or blinded by disinformation or deceptive ideologies behind the regime as she is able to think freely and critically for herself. The wearing of the veil itself has caused Satrapi to realize how important it is to express and embrace individuality, rather than choose to be defined by patriarchal and conformist ideologies at the hands of another.

Ishlar keltirilgan
Sciolino, Elaine. “Iran and PERSIAN MIRRORS: THE ELUSIVE FACE OF IRAN.” 2000. Web. Nov 3 2012

“The Iran-Iraq War (1979–1988).” Jewish Virtual Library. American-Israeli Cooperative Enterprise. Internet. Nov 3 2012

Satrapi, Marjane. Persepolis, Paris: L’Association, 2000, Print

Bergolo, Zephie. “Veiled Politics.” Bugungi tarix. Volume: 58. Issue:9. Publication Date: September 2008. Page Number 42+. Nov 3 2012


God Looked Like Marx

Marjane Satrapi's ''Persepolis'' is the latest and one of the most delectable examples of a booming postmodern genre: autobiography by comic book. All over the world, ambitious artist-writers have been discovering that the cartoons on which they were raised make the perfect medium for exploring consciousness, the ideal shortcut -- via irony and gallows humor -- from introspection to the grand historical sweep. It's no coincidence that one of the most provocative American takes on Sept. 11 has been Art Spiegelman's.

Like Spiegelman's ''Maus,'' Satrapi's book combines political history and memoir, portraying a country's 20th-century upheavals through the story of one family. Her protagonist is Marji, a tough, sassy little Iranian girl, bent on prying from her evasive elders if not truth, at least a credible explanation of the travails they are living through.

Marji, born like her author in 1969, grows up in a fashionably radical household in Tehran. Her father is an engineer her feminist mother marches in demonstrations against the shah Marji, an only child, attends French lycée. Satrapi is sly at exposing the hypocrisies of Iran's bourgeois left: when Marji's father discovers to his outrage that their maid is in love with the neighbors' son, he busts up the romance, intoning, ''In this country you must stay within your own social class.'' Marji sneaks into the weeping girl's bedroom to comfort her, reflecting, deadpan, ''We were not in the same social class but at least we were in the same bed.''

Marji finds her own solution, in religion, to the problem of social injustice. ''I wanted to be a prophet . . . because our maid did not eat with us. Because my father had a Cadillac. And, above all, because my grandmother's knees always ached.'' The book is full of bittersweet drawings of Marji's tête-à-têtes with God, who resembles Marx, ''though Marx's hair was a bit curlier.'' In upper-middle-class Tehran in 1976, piety is taken as a sign of mental imbalance: Marji's teacher summons her parents to discuss the child's worrying psychological state.

A few years later, of course, it's the prophets who are in power, and the lycée teachers who are being sent to Islamic re-education camp. Marji is 10 when the shah is overthrown, and she discovers that her great-grandfather was the last emperor of Persia. He was deposed by a low-ranking military officer named Reza, who, backed by the British, crowned himself shah. The emperor's son, Marji's grandfather, was briefly prime minister before being jailed as a Communist.

When the present-day shah is sent into exile, Marji's parents rejoice. Their Marxist friends and colleagues, freed from years in prison, come to the apartment for celebrations, at which they joke about their sessions with the shah's special torturers.

The nationwide jubilee is brief. Soon these same friends have been thrown back into jail or are murdered by the revolutionaries Marji and her schoolmates take the veil and are taught self-flagellation instead of algebra. Those who can decamp for the West.

Once again, Marji finds herself a rebel, briefly detained by the Guardians of the Revolution for sporting black-market Nikes, in trouble at school for announcing in class that, contrary to the teacher's lies, there are a hundred times as many political prisoners under the revolution than there were under the shah. Once again, Marji notes, it's the poor who suffer: while Marji attends a ''punk'' party for which her mother has knitted her a sweater full of holes, peasant boys her age, armed with plastic keys promising them entry to paradise if they are killed, are being sent into battle in Iraqi minefields .

It is the war with Iraq that is this book's climax and turning point. Satrapi is adept at conveying the numbing cynicism induced by living in a city under siege both from Iraqi bombs and from a homegrown regime that uses the war as pretext to exterminate ''the enemy within.''

When ballistic missiles destroy the house next to Marji's, killing a childhood friend and her family, Marji's parents decide to send her abroad. The book ends with a 14-year-old Marji, palms pressed against the airport's dividing glass, her chador-framed face a mask of horror, looking back at her fainting mother and grieving father. ''It would have been better to just go,'' her older self concludes.

Contemporary American cartoonists tend often to operate in a twilight zone of ironically diminished expectations -- Ben Katchor's Lower East Side automats, Daniel Clowes's hospital examining room. ''Persepolis,'' by contrast, dances with drama and insouciant wit.

Satrapi's drawing style is bold and vivid. She paints a thick inky black-on-white, in a faux-naïf pastiche of East and West. ''Persepolis'' deploys all the paranoid Expressionism latent in the comic strip's juxtapositions of scale -- the child dwarfed by looming parents, would-be rescuers dwarfed by giant policemen guarding the locked doors to a movie theater that's been set on fire -- but when Satrapi depicts a schoolyard brawl, it's straight from Persian miniature.

''Persepolis'' was first published to enormous success in Satrapi's adopted France, where adult comic books are a long-favored form. The English edition comes with an introduction expressing the author's desire to show Americans that Iran is not only a country of fanatics and terrorists. The book could hardly have come at a better moment.

Iran, after all, is not the only Muslim country with an urban Westernized elite that's been decimated by dictatorship and pauperized by decades of war. It's not hard to imagine a cartoon '𧮫ylon'' whose war-scarred author might not be so diplomatic as Satrapi in pointing out how her own country's now-toppled Frankenstein was constructed from parts made in the West and sold by its current ''liberators.''


The PFA Project

The Persepolis Fortification Archive Project is a new phase in recording and distributing the information that brings about these changes, using electronic equipment and media alongside the conventional tool-kits of philology and scholarship. In its early phases, the PFA Project has:

    Captured and edited conventional digital images of almost two and a half thousand Elamite Fortification tablets, accelerating work that has been under way since 2002
  • Captured and edited very high resolution digital images of more than six hundred Aramaic Fortification tablets and their seal impressions, as well as hundreds of uninscribed, sealed Fortification tablets, using large-format scanning backs and Polynomial Texture Mapping apparatus built specifically for the project
  • Started to explore advanced technologies for recording and conservation of Fortification tablets and fragments (3D scanning, subsurface laser scanning, CT scanning, laser cleaning and others) Formed a team of editors to prepare editions of Elamite and Aramaic Fortification tablets and studies of seal impressions, both those accompanying texts and those on uninscribed tablets, to be distributed on a real-time rolling basis along with images of the tablets Catalogued, assessed and sorted about a third of the thousands of tablets and fragments that remain to be recorded, to identify priorities for conservation, study and presentation
  • Set up data structures for recording, linking, analyzing and presenting images and documents in the On-Line Cultural Heritage Environment (OCHRE)
  • Entered co-operative agreements with projects at the Collège de France, the University of Southern California, and UCLA. which will lead to distribution of PFA data through at least three other on-line sources
  • Established a weblog to collect news reports on the status of the PFA as well as on-line images, articles, and books connected with Persepolis and the Persepolis tablets.

Satrapi’s Herstory

Marjane Satrapi Biography
Many People who grow up in a society battered by political persecution can become programed to think, fell, and act in a manner which fulfills the “proper criteria” of how an individual in that particular society should behave. Marjane Satrapi, before becoming a world renown graphic novelist, was an Iranian-born girl from the city of Tehran, Iran. Marjane was born on November 22, 1969. By a young age Marjane was caught in the middle of a large scale conflict of values that was taking place in her country. Beginning in 1979, at the tender age of 10, Satrapi, an only child, witnessed the civil up rise of the Iranian population against the monarchy of the Shah during Iran’s Islamic Revolution. Her parents, who openly practiced with communist and socialist parties, were avid protesters against the regime of the Shah. As the situation within Iran escalated into a civil war, Satrapi and her family began to feel the effects of the conflict first hand. During the revolt, Satrapi and her family began to feel the effects of the conflict first hand. During the revolt, Satrapi’s Uncle was imprisoned and executed by revolutionaries because of differences in religious beliefs and disagreement with the regime. Although Satrapi’s parents were strong-willed individuals, the situation reached a point where it was inevitable for women to dress in an Islamic gard to avoid harassment from the religious police.

Marjane was instilled with the same nonconforming attitude as her parents because Satrapi’s parents were confident individuals who refused to truly conform to the rules of their society. However, this attitude would land Satrapi in trouble on more than one occasion. In high school Marjane never hesitated to question the authority of the material the teachers were teaching. This persuaded her parents to send her to Vienna, Austria in order for her to gain knowledge freely without the effects of political propaganda. During her tenure in Vienna Marjane was forced to live in a convent where she was ethnically discriminated by one of the nuns. After leaving the convent she jumped into a life of drugs, anarchy, and romantic relationships. Without a secure home she temporarily stayed with friends until, at age 18, she ended up homeless and in the hospital. She then moved back to Iran and unwillingly accepted her role as a women in Iranian society until she finished college. Satrapi moved to Paris and began learning how to successfully produce graphic novels. She also, at the age of 31 (2000) produced a graphic novel of her own that would go on to become a “Angouleme Coup de Coeur Award” winner named Persepolis.

Persepolis: The Story of a Childhood is an autobiographical story of a young girl that is displayed in an unusual comic trip form. Not only is this piece of literature autobiographical but it also possesses first-hand historical context of the Islamic Revolution through the eyes of a young Marjane Satrapi. In an interview with the New York Times Satrapi stated, “I hope Persepolis will combat the negative images that people have of my native country.” Although the book covers a vast array of sensitive subjects regarding politics, war, violence, and persecution, it also contains a portion of humor which Satrapi elaborates by stating, “Iranian’s are used to using humor to shave off despair.” In 2004 Satrapi released the sequel to Persepolis, Persepolis 2: The Story of a Return. This second book tells the story of her life during adolescence into adulthood. The sequel of Persepolis focuses much on rebellion and how acting in public and behind closed doors creates a “multi-personality person.”

Satrapi’s style of writing in comic-like form allows her audience to visually capture the aspects of the text and get a better sense of feeling and understanding. Because the book is categorized as a graphic novel, and was also later turned into an animated film (2007) which has been translated into several different languages, it is easily comprehensible for people of all backgrounds to comprehend the underlying messages of freedom in her work. The fact Persepolis is not just biographical but also a historical piece of literature that mirrors the Iranian Islamic Revolution through the eyes of somebody who was passionately involved. It is almost a contribute to her fellow countrymen and women.

Marjane Satrapi is now 41 years of age and calls home in Paris, France with Sweedish-Nationalist husband Mattias Ripa. She continues to work on her literature and is actively involved in animated film, illustration, and writing children’s books. Other notable books which she has produced include “Embrodieries” (2005) and “Chicken with Plums” (2004). Marjane Satrapi is undoubtedly one of the pioneers of the graphic novelist. Although this style has been present for centuries her success with Persepolis opened up a wave of up and coming authors who’s admirations are surrounded by the success of this well written piece of literature.

Resources To Gain A Further Understanding:

“Confessions Of Miss Mischief”
Hattenstone does a wonderful job of painting a descriptive image of what Marjane Satrapi is like in person, allowing the reader to have an inside perspective of the raw, rebel-ish Satrapi. Seeing the emotions of Marjane we see in this interview allows readers the opportunity to put the emotion back into Persepolis, furthering the diary-like feeling of Persepolis. It is an interesting perspective to Satrapi’s biography and her current ideology.


Videoni tomosha qiling: PERSEPOLIS - The Great Ancient Persian City (Avgust 2022).