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Bush ko'rfazdagi urush tugaganini e'lon qildi

Bush ko'rfazdagi urush tugaganini e'lon qildi


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1991 yil 27 -fevralda, Iroq Quvaytga bostirib kirganidan besh oy o'tgach, AQSh milliy translyatsiyasida Prezident Jorj Bush Iroqni doimiy ravishda o't ochishni to'xtatish talablarini bajarishga chaqirdi.


GULF urushi: Nega 100 soat ichida tugadi

Fors ko'rfazi urushi tugaganidan deyarli bir yil o'tgach, Saddam Husayn Iroqda o'z hukmronligini davom ettirmoqda, yadroviy qurol ishlab chiqarishga va kimyoviy arsenalini tiklashga urinmoqda. Qanday qilib Husaynni Birlashgan Millatlar Tashkilotining urushni tugatgan rezolyutsiyasini bajarishga majburlash Birlashgan Millatlar Tashkiloti Xavfsizlik Kengashi uchun qiyin masala.

Shunday bo'lsa -da, urush Prezident Bush uchun asosiy masala bo'lib qolmoqda - uning dunyo uchun ham, uyda ham kun tartibi. Ovoz izlab butun mamlakat bo'ylab sayohat qilar ekan, Bush bir yil avvalgi "Cho'l bo'roni" kampaniyasidan - prezidentlik davrining eng yuqori cho'qqisidan - hozirgi chalkash siyosiy jang maydoniga qandaydir jilo berishni xohlayotganini tushunsa bo'ladi.

Prezidentning yaxshi hikoyasi bor. Uning tarixiy koalitsiya tuzishi va ixtiyoriy harbiylarning ajoyib ishlashi uning eng aniq elementlari.

Muammo tugatish bilan bog'liq. Urushning qoniqarsiz xulosasini tushuntirish uchun prezident va uning katta harbiy maslahatchilari hech qanday asosga ega bo'lmagan tushuntirishni berishdi. Hozircha ular bu ishdan qutulib qolishdi. Dalillar:

- AQSh boshchiligidagi kuchlar Bag'dodga borishi mumkin emas edi, chunki BMT rezolyutsiyasi bunday harakatlarga ruxsat bermadi.

- Bizning koalitsiyadagi sheriklarimiz har qanday holatda ham uni qo'llab -quvvatlamagan bo'lardi

- Bag'dod tomon shimolga yurish ko'plab amerikalik askarlarning hayotiga zomin bo'lardi.

Va mutlaqo noaniq. Hech qachon shimolga, Bag'dodga borish rejasi bo'lmagan. Haqiqatan ham, prezident va uning maslahatchilari quruqlikdagi kampaniyadan taxminan 75 soat o'tgach, sulh vaqtini muhokama qila boshlagan kuni, Amerika boshchiligidagi kuchlarning asosiy qismi shimolga emas, sharqqa qarab harakat qilardi.

AQShning 1 va 3 -zirhli bo'linmalari, AQShning 1 -piyodalar diviziyasi va Britaniyaning 1 -zirhli diviziyasi hujum kuchining yuragini tashkil etdi. Bu to'rtta og'ir bo'linma general -leytenant Frederik Franks qo'mondonligi ostida edi. Uning shimolida general -mayor Barri Makkafri qo'mondonligi ostida 24 -piyoda diviziyasi (mexanizatsiyalashgan) bor edi.

General X. Norman Shvartskopf tomonidan tasdiqlangan jang rejasi general Franklar to'rtta bo'linmasini AQShning "Basra cho'ntagi" deb nomlangan hududga, Iroqning Basra shahrining janubida va Kuvayt shahrining shimolida joylashgan katta traktga olib borishga chaqirdi. qirrasi shimoliy Fors ko'rfazi sohillari tomonidan aniqlangan.

Quruqlik urushining to'rtinchi kuni, prezident Bush sulh masalasini ko'rib chiqayotganda, general Franksning VII korpusi va shimoldagi 24-piyodalar diviziyasi sharqqa Basra cho'ntagiga surilishga tayyorgarlik ko'rdi. Manevr Saddam Husaynning respublika gvardiyasi elita kuchlarining asosiy qismini Fors ko'rfazi sohillariga joylashtirishga qaratilgan edi.

"Keyin ularga qurolsizlanish va taslim bo'lish imkoniyatini berishgan bo'lardi", deb tushuntirdi AQShning yuqori martabali qo'mondoni. & quot; Agar ular rad qilsalar, biz ularni yo'q qilgan bo'lar edik. & quot; General Makkafrining askarlari respublika gvardiyasining shimolga o'tishga uringan har qanday kuchini kesib tashlar edi.

Bu operatsiya prezident va uning maslahatchilari, general Shvartskopf bilan maslahatlashgan holda, urushni 100 soat - Pentagon urushi rejalashtiruvchilari quruqlikdagi kampaniya uchun ajratilgan vaqtdan 44 soat o'tgach tugatishga rozi bo'lgan paytda amalga oshirildi. Shunisi e'tiborga loyiqki, "Desert Storm" ning vilkasini tortib olish to'g'risida qaror qabul qilinishidan yarim kun oldin, general Shvartskopf urushni ta'qib qilish uchun qo'shimcha 24 soat talab qilgan.

O't ochishni to'xtatish 28 fevral kuni ertalab soat 8 da kuchga kirdi. AQShning ko'plab qo'mondonlari, agar general Franks va general Makkaffriga yana olti -sakkiz soat vaqt berilsa, sharqqa emas, sharqqa - Bag'dodga, ular respublika gvardiyasining katta qismini qurolsizlantirishga yoki yo'q qilishga qodir bo'lardi. Aksincha, respublika gvardiyasining ko'p qismi qurollari bilan qochib ketishdi. Bir necha kun o'tgach, ular Iroq janubida minglab shia tinch aholini o'ldirishga rahbarlik qildilar. Haqiqatan ham, bugungi kunda ko'pchilik ekspertlar Husaynni hokimiyatda ushlab turuvchi yagona narsa - respublika gvardiyasi. Agar elita kuchlari yo'q qilinganida, Iroq etakchisi, ehtimol, hali Bag'dodda bo'lardi va biz Iroq bilan bugun duch keladigan muammolarga duch kelmas edik.

Birinchidan, Saudiya Arabistoni va Misr mojaroga chek qo'yishni talab qilishdi. Saudiyaliklar va misrliklar bo'linib ketgan Iroqni emas, balki Husayn davrida birlashgan Iroq bilan yashashni afzal ko'rishdi. Xususan, saudiyaliklar o'z chegarasida shia respublikasidan ehtiyot bo'lishgan. Va AQSh ma'muriyati Eron bilan chambarchas bog'liq bo'lgan shia shohligining fundamentalistlaridan qo'rqib, bu fikrlarga qo'shildi.

Yana bir sabab: Kuvayt shahri yaqinidagi "o'lim yo'lida" yuzlab yonib ketgan mashinalarning televizion tasvirlari ommaviy axborot vositalari, AQSh siyosiy rahbarlari va hatto ba'zi ittifoqchilar orasida urushni keskin tanqid qilishiga olib keldi. (Urushdan keyingi hisobot, bu konvoylarda odamlarning talofati aslida juda past ekanligini aniqladi.) Ammo o'sha paytda odamlarning qirg'ini yuqori deb hisoblangan va savol tug'ilgan edi: Iroqni va uni yo'q qilish kerakmi? odamlar?

Haqiqiy javob shundan iboratki, saudiyaliklar, misrliklar va boshqa xalqaro hamjamiyatning bosimi tufayli Bush ma'muriyati respublikachilar gvardiyasi - Saddam Husayn saroyi qo'riqchisini yo'q qilishdan bosh tortdi va faqat harbiy maqsadga e'tibor qaratdi. Iroqliklarni Kuvaytdan chiqarib yuborish. Bu maqsadga erishish uchun respublika gvardiyasini butunlay yo'q qilishning hojati yo'q edi. O'sha paytda, respublika gvardiyasining ettita bo'linmasidan ikkitasi to'lib -toshgani, qolganlari Basra tomon qochayotgani etarli edi. Darhaqiqat, Oq uy general Shvartskopfdan, agar u iroqliklarni Kuvaytdan quvib chiqargan bo'lsa, harbiy maqsadlarini uddaladimi, deb so'radi va Shvartskopf bunga javob berishi kerak edi. Shunday qilib, urush o'sha paytda tugadi, etti qo'riqchi bo'linmasining kamida to'rttasi to'liq saqlanib qolgan. (O't ochishdan keyin Basraga ko'chib o'tgan shia isyonini bostirgan bo'linishlar edi.)

Juda puxta rejalashtirilgan harbiy operatsiyaning oxirida eng muhim qaror - qachon tugatish kerakligi - bir zumda qabul qilinganligi achinarli va istehzoli. "Cho'l bo'roni" operatsiyasining tezkor xulosasi, uning asosiy nuqsoni - kontseptsiyani aniqlab beradi. Urush Saudiya Arabistonini himoya qilish uchun qilinganmi? Quvaytni ozod qilish uchunmi? Dunyo neft ta'minotini himoya qilish uchunmi? Yaqin Sharqni barqarorlashtirish uchunmi?

Mojarodan bir necha oy oldin, prezident va uning odamlari ko'plab javoblarga kelebeklar kabi joylashdilar. Prezidentning eng yaqin maslahatchilari orasida vitse -prezident Den Kuayl va o'sha paytdagi milliy xavfsizlik bo'yicha maslahatchining o'rinbosari Robert Geyts ham bor edi, ular muvaffaqiyatning eng aniq sinovini - Saddam Husaynni zararsizlantirishni so'rashdi. Bu, albatta, uni o'ldirish degani emas, lekin bu uning kuchining asosiy qismi - Respublika gvardiyasi hal qilinmaguncha kurashni davom ettirishni anglatardi.

Fors ko'rfazi urushi bilan bog'liq ko'plab muvaffaqiyatlar haqidagi hikoyalar, uning tugashi haqidagi haqiqiy voqeani aytib berishga to'sqinlik qilmasligi kerak.

Shubhasiz, urushda qatnashgan askarlar va buning uchun to'lagan soliq to'lovchilar, nima uchun biz Bag'dodga bormaganimiz haqidagi yolg'on hikoyaga haqli.


Bush ko'rfazdagi urush tugaganini e'lon qiladi - TARIX

[AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Quyidagi matnli versiya to'g'ridan -to'g'ri audiodan yozilgan]

Quvayt ozod qilindi. Iroq armiyasi mag'lubiyatga uchradi. Bizning harbiy maqsadlarimiz amalga oshadi. Kuvayt yana o'z taqdirini o'zi boshqaradigan kuvaytliklar qo'lida. Biz ularning quvonchiga sherik bo'ldik, faqat ularning sinovlariga rahm -shafqatimiz bilan.

Bugun kechqurun Kuvayt bayrog'i yana bir bor ozod va suveren davlat poytaxti ustida, Amerika bayrog'i esa bizning elchixona tepasida hilpiraydi.

Etti oy oldin Amerika va dunyo qumga chiziq tortdi. Biz Quvaytga qarshi tajovuz to'xtamasligini e'lon qildik va bugun Amerika va butun dunyo o'z so'zlarida turdi.

Bu eyforiya vaqti emas, albatta, xursand bo'lish vaqti emas, lekin bu faxrlanish, qo'shinlarimiz bilan faxrlanish, inqirozda biz bilan birga bo'lgan do'stlarimiz bilan faxrlanish, millatimiz va xalqimiz bilan faxrlanish. g'alabani tez, hal qiluvchi va adolatli hal qiling.

Tez orada biz qo'llarimizni ochib, Amerikaga ajoyib jangovar kuchlarimizni kutib olamiz. Hech bir davlat bu g'alabani o'zimniki deb da'vo qila olmaydi. Bu nafaqat Quvaytning, balki barcha koalitsiya sheriklarining g'alabasi edi. Bu Birlashgan Millatlar Tashkilotining, butun insoniyatning, qonun ustuvorligi va to'g'ri ishlarning g'alabasi.

Mudofaa vaziri Cheyni, Bosh shtab boshliqlari raisi general Pauell va bizning koalitsiyadagi sheriklarimiz bilan maslahatlashgandan so'ng, men shuni ma'lum qilishdan mamnunmanki, bugun yarim tunda Sharqiy standart vaqt, quruqlikdagi operatsiyalar boshlanganidan 100 soat o'tgach va olti hafta "Cho'l bo'roni" operatsiyasi boshlanganidan buyon AQSh va koalitsiya kuchlari hujumkor jangovar operatsiyalarni to'xtatadilar.

Bu koalitsiyaning to'xtatilishi doimiy sulhga aylanadimi yoki yo'qmi, bu Iroqqa bog'liq. Rasmiy otashkesim uchun koalitsiya, siyosiy va harbiy shartlar quyidagi talablarni o'z ichiga oladi:

- Iroq zudlik bilan barcha koalitsion harbiy asirlarni, uchinchi mamlakat fuqarolarini va halok bo'lganlarning qoldiqlarini qo'yib yuborishi kerak.

- Iroq barcha kuvaytlik mahbuslarni qo'yib yuborishi kerak.

- Iroq, shuningdek, Kuvayt hukumatini barcha quruqlik va dengiz minalarining joylashuvi va tabiati to'g'risida xabardor qilishi shart.

- Iroq Birlashgan Millatlar Tashkiloti Xavfsizlik Kengashining barcha tegishli qarorlarini to'liq bajarishi shart. Bu Iroqning avgust oyida Quvaytni qo'shib olish to'g'risidagi qarorini bekor qilishni va qabul qilinishini o'z ichiga oladi va Iroqning agressiyasi sabab bo'lgan zarar, zarar va shikastlanish uchun kompensatsiya to'lash majburiyatini qabul qilishni o'z ichiga oladi.

- Koalitsiya Iroq hukumatini harbiy qo'mondonlarni 48 soat ichida koalitsiyadagi hamkasblari bilan operatsiya teatrida o't ochishni to'xtatishning harbiy jihatlarini tartibga solish uchun uchrashishga tayinlashga chaqiradi.

Bundan tashqari, men Davlat kotibi Beykerdan Birlashgan Millatlar Tashkiloti Xavfsizlik Kengashining yig'ilishini ushbu urushni tugatish uchun zarur choralarni ishlab chiqishni so'rashini so'radim.

Hujumli jangovar harakatlarning to'xtatilishi Iroqning hech qanday koalitsiya kuchlarini o'qqa tutmaganligi va boshqa mamlakatlarga qarshi "Skud" raketalarini uchirmaganligi bilan bog'liq. Agar Iroq bu shartlarni buzsa, koalitsiya kuchlari harbiy operatsiyalarni qayta boshlashi mumkin.

Iroq xalqiga har fursatda aytardimki, bizning janjalimiz ular bilan emas, balki ularning rahbarligi bilan, eng avvalo Saddam Husayn bilan bo'lgan. Bu shunday bo'lib qolaveradi. Siz, Iroq xalqi, bizga dushman emassiz. Biz sizning halokatingizni qidirmaymiz. Biz sizning POV -laringizga yaxshi muomala qildik. Koalitsiya kuchlari bu urushga faqat oxirgi chora sifatida kirishdi va Iroqni qo'shnilari bilan tinch -totuv yashashga tayyor odamlar boshqaradigan kunni kutishdi.

Endi biz urushda g'alabadan boshqa tomonga qarashni boshlashimiz kerak. Biz tinchlikni ta'minlash vazifasini hal qilishimiz kerak. Kelgusida, avvalgidek, biz koalitsiyadagi sheriklarimiz bilan maslahatlashamiz. Biz allaqachon urushdan keyingi davrni yaxshi o'ylab, rejalashtirganmiz va kotib Beyker allaqachon koalitsiyadagi sheriklarimiz bilan mintaqadagi muammolar haqida maslahatlasha boshlagan. Bu qiyinchiliklarning barchasiga Amerika javob berishi mumkin emas va bo'lmaydi, lekin biz mintaqa mamlakatlariga yordam bera olamiz va tinchlik uchun katalizator bo'la olamiz.

Shu ruhda kotib Beyker keyingi haftada maslahatlashuvlarning yangi bosqichini boshlash uchun mintaqaga boradi. Bu urush endi ortda qoldi. Oldimizda potentsial tarixiy tinchlikni ta'minlash vazifasi turibdi. Bugun kechqurun, nima qilganimiz bilan faxrlanamiz. Hayotini xavf ostiga qo'yganlarga rahmat aytaylik. O'z jonini berganlarni hech qachon unutmaylik.

Xudo bizning jasur harbiy kuchlarimizga va ularning oilalariga baraka bersin va barchamiz ularni ibodatlarimizda eslashimizni nasib qilsin.


Matn: Bush va#x27s Iroq haqidagi nutqi

The New York Times yozganidek, Prezident Bushning kechasi Iroq haqidagi nutqining transkripti:

Vatandoshlarim, Iroqdagi voqealar qarorning oxirgi kunlariga yetdi.

O'n yildan oshiq vaqt mobaynida Qo'shma Shtatlar va boshqa davlatlar Iroq rejimini urushsiz qurolsizlantirish bo'yicha sabrli va sharafli sa'y -harakatlarni amalga oshirdilar. Bu rejim 1991 yilda Fors ko'rfazi urushini tugatish sharti sifatida o'zining barcha ommaviy qirg'in qurollarini oshkor qilishga va yo'q qilishga va'da berdi. O'shandan beri dunyo 12 yillik diplomatiya bilan shug'ullangan. Biz Birlashgan Millatlar Tashkiloti Xavfsizlik Kengashida o'ndan ortiq rezolyutsiya qabul qildik. Biz Iroq qurolsizlanishini nazorat qilish uchun yuzlab qurol -aslaha inspektorlarini yubordik. Bizning yaxshi niyatimiz qaytarilmadi.

Iroq rejimi vaqt va afzalliklarga ega bo'lish uchun diplomatiyani hiyla ishlatgan. U Xavfsizlik Kengashining to'liq qurolsizlanishni talab qiladigan rezolyutsiyalarini bir xilda buzdi. Bir necha yillar mobaynida BMT qurol inspektorlari Iroq rasmiylari tomonidan tahdid qilingan, elektron xatolar va tizimli ravishda aldangan. Iroq rejimini qurolsizlantirish bo'yicha tinch urinishlar qayta -qayta muvaffaqiyatsizlikka uchradi, chunki biz tinch odamlar bilan muomala qilmaymiz. Bu va boshqa hukumatlar to'plagan razvedka ma'lumotlariga ko'ra, Iroq rejimi hozirgacha o'ylab topilgan eng halokatli qurollarga egalik qiladi va yashiradi.

Bu rejim Iroqning qo'shnilariga va Iroq xalqlariga qarshi ommaviy qirg'in qurollarini ishlatgan. Rejim Yaqin Sharqda beparvolik bilan tajovuz qilgan. U Amerikaga va bizning do'stlarimizga chuqur nafrat bilan qaraydi. Va u terrorchilarga, jumladan Al -Qoida faollariga yordam bergan, o'qitilgan va boshpana bergan.

Xavf aniq. Iroq yordami bilan olingan kimyoviy, biologik yoki yadro qurolidan foydalanib, terrorchilar o'z ambitsiyalarini bajara olishdi va bizning mamlakatda yoki boshqa har qanday minglab yoki yuz minglab begunoh odamlarni o'ldirishdi.

Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari va boshqa davlatlar bu tahdidga loyiq yoki taklif qilish uchun hech narsa qilmagan, lekin biz uni engish uchun hamma narsani qilamiz. Fojia tomon yurish o'rniga, biz xavfsizlik tomon yo'l olamiz. Dahshatli kun kelishidan oldin, harakat qilish uchun kech bo'lmasdan, bu xavf yo'q qilinadi.

Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari o'z milliy xavfsizligini ta'minlashda kuch ishlatish huquqiga ega.

Mamlakatimizga tahdidni tan olgan AQSh Kongressi o'tgan yili Iroqqa qarshi kuch ishlatishni qo'llab -quvvatlash uchun ko'pchilik ovoz berdi. Amerika bu tahdidni bartaraf etish uchun Birlashgan Millatlar Tashkiloti bilan hamkorlik qilishga urindi, chunki biz muammoni tinch yo'l bilan hal qilmoqchi edik. Biz Birlashgan Millatlar Tashkilotining missiyasiga ishonamiz. Birlashgan Millatlar Tashkilotining Ikkinchi Jahon Urushidan keyin tashkil topganining bir sababi, tajovuzkor diktatorlar bilan begunohlarga hujum qilishdan va tinchlikni buzishdan oldin faol va erta qarshi turish edi.

Iroqqa kelsak, Xavfsizlik Kengashi 1990 -yillarning boshlarida harakat qildi. Hali ham amalda bo'lgan 678 va 687 -sonli rezolyutsiyalarga ko'ra, Qo'shma Shtatlar va ittifoqchilarimiz Iroqni ommaviy qirg'in qurolidan qutqarish uchun kuch ishlatish huquqiga ega. Bu hokimiyat masalasi emas, iroda masalasidir.

O'tgan yilning sentyabrida men BMT Bosh assambleyasiga borganman va dunyo xalqlarini birlashishga va bu xavfga barham berishga chaqirganman. 8 -noyabr kuni Xavfsizlik Kengashi 1441 -sonli rezolyutsiyani bir ovozdan qabul qilib, Iroq o'z majburiyatlarini jiddiy ravishda buzgan deb topdi va agar Iroq to'liq va darhol qurolsizlanmasa, jiddiy oqibatlarga va'da berdi. Bugungi kunda hech bir xalq Iroq qurolsizlantirilgan deb da'vo qila olmaydi va Saddam Husayn hokimiyatni qo'lga olguncha qurolsizlanmaydi.

So'nggi to'rt yarim oy davomida Qo'shma Shtatlar va bizning ittifoqchilarimiz Xavfsizlik Kengashida ushbu kengashning talablarini bajarish uchun harakat qilishdi. Xavfsizlik Kengashining ba'zi doimiy a'zolari Iroqni qurolsizlantirishga majbur qiladigan har qanday rezolyutsiyaga veto qo'yishini ochiq e'lon qilishdi. Bu hukumatlar bizni xavf haqida baho berishadi, lekin biz uni hal qilishga qaror qilmaganmiz.

Biroq, ko'pgina davlatlar tinchlikka tahdid soladigan harakatlarga qat'iyat va jasorat bilan ega. Va hozir dunyoning adolatli talablarini bajarish uchun keng koalitsiya yig'ilmoqda. Birlashgan Millatlar Tashkiloti Xavfsizlik Kengashi o'z majburiyatlarini bajarmadi, shuning uchun biz o'z vazifamizga ko'tarilamiz.

So'nggi kunlarda Yaqin Sharqdagi ba'zi hukumatlar o'z vazifalarini bajarmoqda. Ular qurolsizlanish tinch yo'l bilan davom etishi uchun diktatorni Iroqni tark etishga chaqirgan ochiq va shaxsiy xabarlarni etkazishdi. U hozirgacha rad javobini berdi. O'nlab yillar davomida yolg'on va shafqatsizlik endi tugadi. Saddam Husayn va uning o'g'illari 48 soat ichida Iroqni tark etishlari kerak. Ularning rad etishlari biz tanlagan paytda boshlangan harbiy to'qnashuvlarga olib keladi. O'z xavfsizligi uchun barcha xorijiy fuqarolar, jumladan jurnalistlar va inspektorlar Iroqni zudlik bilan tark etishlari kerak.

Ko'plab iroqliklar meni bugun kechqurun radio orqali eshittirishlari mumkin. Va ularga xabarim bor. Agar biz harbiy kampaniyani boshlashimiz kerak bo'lsa, u sizga qarshi emas, balki sizning mamlakatingizni boshqarayotgan qonunbuzarlarga qarshi qaratilgan bo'ladi. Bizning koalitsiya ularning kuchini tortib olgach, biz sizga kerakli oziq -ovqat va dori -darmonlarni etkazib beramiz. Biz terror apparatini buzamiz. Va biz sizga gullab -yashnayotgan va ozod bo'lgan yangi Iroqni qurishda yordam beramiz.

Erkin Iroqda qo'shnilaringizga qarshi bosqinchilik urushlari, zahar ishlab chiqaradigan zavodlar, muxolifatchilarni qatl qilish, qiynoq xonalari va zo'rlash xonalari bo'lmaydi. Zolim tez orada yo'q bo'lib ketadi. Siz ozod bo'ladigan kun yaqin.

Saddam Husayn hokimiyatda qolishi uchun juda kech. Iroq harbiylari koalitsiya kuchlarining ommaviy qirg'in qurollarini yo'q qilish uchun tinch yo'l bilan kirishiga ruxsat berib, sharaf bilan harakat qilib, mamlakatingizni himoya qilishi kech emas. Bizning kuchlarimiz Iroq harbiy qismlariga hujum va vayronagarchiliklarga yo'l qo'ymaslik bo'yicha aniq ko'rsatmalar beradi.

Men Iroq harbiylari va razvedka xizmatlarining har bir a'zosini, agar urush boshlansa, o'z hayotiga arzimaydigan rejim uchun kurashmaslikka chaqiraman. Iroqning barcha harbiy va fuqarolik xodimlari bu ogohlantirishni diqqat bilan tinglashlari kerak. Har qanday mojaroda taqdiringiz sizning harakatingizga bog'liq bo'ladi. Iroq xalqiga tegishli boylik manbai bo'lgan neft quduqlarini yo'q qilmang. Hech kimga, jumladan Iroq xalqiga qarshi ommaviy qirg'in quroli ishlatish buyrug'iga bo'ysunmang. Harbiy jinoyatlar jinoiy javobgarlikka tortiladi. Harbiy jinoyatchilar jazolanadi. Va men faqat buyruqni bajardim deb aytish hech qanday himoya bo'lmaydi.

Agar Saddam Husayn qarama -qarshilikni tanlasa, Amerika xalqi urushdan qochish uchun barcha choralar ko'rilganini bilishi mumkin. Va uni yutish uchun barcha choralar ko'riladi. Amerikaliklar mojaro narxini tushunishadi, chunki biz ularga o'tmishda pul to'laganmiz. Urush qurbonlik aniqligidan boshqa aniqlikka ega emas. Urushning zarari va davomiyligini kamaytirishning yagona yo'li - bu bizning kuchlarimiz va kuchlarimizni ishga solish. Va biz bunga tayyormiz.

Agar Saddam Husayn hokimiyatga yopishib olishga urinsa, u oxirigacha halokatli dushman bo'lib qoladi. Umidsizlikda u va terrorchi guruhlar Amerika xalqiga va bizning do'stlarimizga qarshi terrorchilik operatsiyalari o'tkazishga urinishlari mumkin edi. Bu hujumlar muqarrar emas. Biroq, ular mumkin. Va bu fakt shantaj xavfi ostida yashay olmasligimizning sababini ko'rsatadi.

Saddam Husayn qurolsizlangach, Amerika va dunyo uchun terror xavfi kamayadi. Bizning hukumatimiz bu xavf -xatarlarga qarshi kuchaytirilgan nazoratda. Xuddi Iroqda g'alabani ta'minlashga tayyorgarlik ko'rayotgandek, biz o'z vatanimizni himoya qilish uchun keyingi harakatlarni amalga oshirmoqdamiz. So'nggi kunlarda Amerika rasmiylari Iroq razvedka xizmatlari bilan aloqasi bor ayrim shaxslarni mamlakatdan chiqarib yuborishdi. Boshqa chora -tadbirlar qatorida men aeroportlarimizda qo'shimcha xavfsizlik choralarini ko'rdim va yirik dengiz portlarida qirg'oq qo'riqchilarining patrulini kuchaytirdim.

Ichki xavfsizlik departamenti Amerika gubernatorlari bilan Amerika bo'ylab muhim ob'ektlarda qurolli xavfsizlikni kuchaytirish uchun yaqindan hamkorlik qilmoqda. Agar dushmanlar bizning mamlakatimizga zarba bersa, vahima bilan bizning e'tiborimizni o'zgartirishga va qo'rquv bilan ma'naviyatimizni zaiflashtirishga urinishgan bo'lar edi. Bunda ular muvaffaqiyatsizlikka uchraydilar. Ularning xatti -harakatlari bu mamlakatning yo'nalishini o'zgartira olmaydi. Biz tinch xalqmiz, lekin biz mo'rt xalq emasmiz va bizni bezorilar va qotillar qo'rqitmaydi. Agar dushmanlarimiz bizga zarba berishga jur'at etsalar, ular va ularga yordam berganlarning barchasi qo'rqinchli oqibatlarga duch keladilar.

Biz hozir harakat qilyapmiz, chunki harakatsizlik xavfi ancha katta bo'ladi. Bir yoki besh yil ichida Iroqning barcha ozod davlatlarga zarar etkazish kuchi bir necha barobar ko'payadi. Saddam Husayn va uning terrorchi ittifoqchilari bu qobiliyatlari bilan o'lik to'qnashuvlar vaqtini tanlashlari mumkin edi. Biz bu tahdidni hozir osmonda va shaharlarimizda to'satdan paydo bo'lishidan oldin paydo bo'ladigan joyda kutib olamiz.

Tinchlik ishi barcha erkin davlatlardan yangi va inkor etib bo'lmaydigan voqelikni tan olishni talab qiladi. 20 -asrda ba'zilar tahdidlari genotsid va global urushga aylanishiga yo'l qo'ygan qotil diktatorlarni tinchlantirishni tanladilar. Bu asrda yovuz odamlar kimyoviy, biologik va yadroviy terrorni uyushtirishganda, tinchlantirish siyosati er yuzida hech qachon ko'rilmagan halokatga olib kelishi mumkin. Terroristlar va terrorchi davlatlar bu tahdidlarni rasmiy bayonotlarda adolatli ogohlantirish bilan oshkor qilmaydi. Va bunday dushmanlarga faqat birinchi zarbadan keyin javob berish-bu o'z-o'zini himoya qilish emas, bu o'z joniga qasd qilishdir. Dunyo xavfsizligi uchun hozir Saddam Husaynni qurolsizlantirish kerak.

Dunyoning adolatli talablarini bajarar ekanmiz, biz mamlakatimizning eng chuqur majburiyatlarini bajaramiz. Saddam Husayndan farqli o'laroq, biz Iroq xalqi munosib va ​​inson erkinligiga qodir deb hisoblaymiz. Va diktator ketgach, ular Yaqin Sharqqa hayotiy, tinch va o'zini o'zi boshqaradigan xalqning o'rnagini ko'rsatishi mumkin.

Qo'shma Shtatlar boshqa davlatlar bilan bu mintaqada erkinlik va tinchlikni saqlashga harakat qiladi. Maqsadimizga birdaniga erishib bo'lmaydi. Ammo vaqt o'tishi bilan kelishi mumkin. Inson erkinligining kuchi va jozibasi har bir hayotda va har bir mamlakatda seziladi. Erkinlikning eng katta kuchi - nafrat va zo'ravonlikni yengib, erkaklar va ayollarning ijodiy sovg'alarini tinchlikka intilishdir. Bu biz tanlagan kelajak. Erkin millatlar zo'ravonlarga qarshi birlashib, xalqimizni himoya qilishga majburdir. Va bugun kechqurun, biz ilgari qilganimizdek, Amerika va ittifoqchilarimiz bu mas'uliyatni o'z zimmalariga oladilar.


Prezident Jorj Bush Bush ko'rfazdagi urush va "O'zimiz va kelajak avlodlarimiz uchun yangi dunyo tartibi" ni yaratish imkoniyatini e'lon qiladi.

Prezident Jorj Herbert Uolker Bush 1991 yil 16 -yanvarda Oval idoradan gapirar ekan, Fors ko'rfazi urushining boshlanishini e'lon qilgan nutqida & ldquonew jahon tartibi va rdquo haqida gapirdi.

& LdquoBizning oldimizda o'zimiz uchun va kelajak avlodlar uchun yangi dunyo tartibi, o'rmon qonunlari emas, balki qonunlar ustuvorligi, millatlarning xatti -harakatlarini tartibga solish imkoniyati bor. Qachonki biz muvaffaqiyat qozongan bo'lsak va shunday bo'ladigan bo'lsak, bizda bu yangi dunyo tartibida haqiqiy imkoniyat bor. Birlashgan Millatlar Tashkilotining tinchlikparvarlik rolidan foydalanib, Birlashgan Millatlar Tashkiloti va rsquos ta'sischilarining va'dasini bajarish uchun buyruq.

Iqtibos quyidagi videodagi 7:30 belgisidan boshlanadi

Bart Kessler bu erda Jorj XV Bushning rsquos & lsquoNew World Order & rsquo ma'nosini tahlil qiladi.


Bush ko'rfazdagi urush tugaganini e'lon qiladi - TARIX

AQSh prezidenti Jorj Bushning aytishicha, AQSh Iroqdagi jangda USS Avraam Linkoln samolyot tashuvchisi haqida gapirgan.

U ko'rfazdagi mojaroni 2001 yil 11 sentyabrda AQShga qilingan terror xurujlari bilan aniq bog'lagan.

U Afg'onistondagi g'alabalar haqida gapirgan, lekin "Al-Qoida" tarmog'i "yaralangan, yo'q qilingan emas" deb ogohlantirgan.

"Biz dushmanni urishdan oldin uni ovlashni davom ettiramiz", dedi u kema bortidagi ofitserlar va dengizchilarga.

Janob Bush samolyot tashuvchisiga kichik dengiz samolyotida qo'ndi, bu uni AQShning birinchi o'tirgan prezidenti deb nomlandi.

Avvalroq, janob Bushning matbuot kotibi Ari Fleyzer prezidentning nutqi "yuridik nuqtai nazardan" jangovar harakatlar tugaganini bildirmaydi, deb ogohlantirgandi.

Urushni rasman tugatilgan deb e'lon qilishning qonuniy oqibatlari bor: Jeneva konventsiyasiga binoan, urush tugaganidan so'ng, g'alaba qozongan armiya asirlarni ozod qilishi va muayyan rahbarlarga qaratilgan operatsiyalarni to'xtatishi kerak.

AQSh bunga tayyor emas, deydi Vashingtondagi BBC muxbiri Met Frei.

AQSh hech qachon rasmiy ravishda Iroqqa urush e'lon qilmagan.

Boshqa voqealarda:

    Birlashgan Millatlar Tashkilotining aytishicha, Bag'dodda doimiy vakolatxonasi qayta tiklanmoqda, chunki u erga gumanitar mas'ul xodim keladi

AQSh Iroqning shimoliy uchish taqiqlangan hududini kuzatib borish uchun Turkiyadan tashqaridagi operatsiyasini rasman yopadi

Daniyalik faxriy diplomat urushdan keyingi Basra viloyatining rahbari etib tayinlanadi - Iroqning to'rtta ma'muriy hududlaridan biri

Janob Bushning bayonoti, AQShning ko'rfazdagi bosh harbiy qo'mondoni, general Tommi Franksning seshanba kuni bergan bahosiga asoslandi.

Uning aytishicha, "qiyin ish" Iroqda qolishi kerak.

"Biz eski tuzum rahbarlarini ta'qib qilyapmiz va ular jinoyatlari uchun javobgarlikka tortiladi. Biz kimyoviy va biologik qurollarni qidirishni boshladik va tergov qilinadigan yuzlab saytlarni bilamiz", - dedi u.

U Iroqdagi urushni Jahon savdo markazi va Pentagonga qilingan hujumlar bilan bog'ladi.

"Iroq jangi 2001 yil 11 sentyabrda boshlangan va hali ham davom etayotgan terrorizmga qarshi urushdagi g'alabadir.

"Bizning shaharlarni o'ldiradigan maydonlarga aylantirishga urinib, terrorchilar va ularning ittifoqchilari bu xalqning qarorini buzib, bizning dunyodan chekinishimizga majbur qilishlariga ishonishdi. Ular muvaffaqiyatsizlikka uchradi", - dedi u kema ekipajining quvonchiga.

Janob Bushning aytishicha, terrorga qarshi urush hali ham davom etayotgan bo'lsa -da, bu cheksiz bo'lmaydi.

"Biz yakuniy g'alaba kunini bilmaymiz, lekin biz to'ntarishning o'zgarishini ko'rdik. Erkin davlatlar g'alabaga intilishadi", - deydi u.

Va u AQSh boshchiligidagi urushga qo'shin qo'shgan boshqa davlatlarga, Buyuk Britaniya, Avstraliya va Polshaga minnatdorchilik bildirdi.

Vashingtondagi BBC muxbiri Rob Vatsonning aytishicha, payshanba nutqi, ehtimol, prezident urush tugadi va g'alaba qozondi, degan gapga yaqin.

Janob Bush ko'rfaz mintaqasida 10 oylik operatsiyadan so'ng uyiga qaytayotgan USS Avraam Linkoln bortida AQSh harbiy -dengiz kuchlari samolyoti bilan keldi.

Reaktiv samolyot tashuvchining uchish maydonchasida kabel orqali ushlandi - bu odatiy tajriba, ba'zida oshqozon chayqalishi mumkin.

Milliy gvardiyaning sobiq uchuvchisi janob Bush uchish paytida uchuvchining yoniga o'tirdi va samolyot kiyib, samolyot kemasida xodimlar bilan qo'l berib ko'rishdi.

Dubulg'asini qo'ltig'iga tiqib, u jurnalistlarga nazoratni o'z qo'liga olganini va parvozdan zavqlanganini aytdi.


Bush ko'rfazdagi urush tugaganini e'lon qiladi - TARIX

1990 yil 2-avgustda Iroqdan kelgan tanklar va askarlar qo'shni Quvayt chegarasini kesib o'tib, neftga boy bo'lgan mayda-chuyda davlatni qo'lga olishdi. Keyin Iroq qo'shinlari Saudiya Arabistoni chegarasida to'plana boshladi.

Bir necha kun ichida Amerika qo'shinlari Saudiya Arabistoniga "Sahro qalqoni" operatsiyasida yuborildi va Saudiya Arabistonini mumkin bo'lgan hujumlardan himoya qildi. 6 avgustda Birlashgan Millatlar Tashkiloti Xavfsizlik Kengashi Iroqqa qarshi savdo embargosi ​​va moliyaviy sanksiyalar joriy etdi va har qanday qonunbuzarliklarning oldini olish uchun Fors ko'rfazida dengiz kuchlari tomonidan kuch ishlatishga ruxsat berdi.

Prezident Jorj Bush bir necha hafta o'tgach Kongressning qo'shma majlisida nutq so'zladi va AQSh Iroq diktatori Saddam Husaynga Yaqin Sharqdagi muhim neft zaxiralari ustidan nazorat o'rnatishga ruxsat bera olmasligini bildirdi. Keyin Prezident Bush mintaqadagi ittifoqchi kuchlar sonini ikki baravar oshirib, 430 ming askarni tashkil etdi.

29 -noyabr kuni BMT Xavfsizlik Kengashi a'zo davlatlarga Iroq qo'shinlarini 1991 -yil 15 -yanvargacha belgilangan muddatgacha olib chiqmagan taqdirda, Quvaytdan chiqarib yuborish uchun zarur vositalarni ishlatishga ruxsat berdi. Prezident Bush ko'rfazga Saddam Husaynga bosim o'tkazishni buyurdi. Quvaytni evakuatsiya qilish.

1991 yil 9 yanvarda Davlat kotibi Jeyms Beyker Iroq tashqi ishlar vaziri Tariq Aziz bilan Jenevada bir necha soat uchrashib, urushdan qochish uchun oxirgi urinishda uchrashdi. Uchrashuv tugadi, Beyker nihoyat muzokaralar muvaffaqiyatsiz bo'lganini e'lon qildi. Uch kundan keyin Vakillar palatasi 250-183, AQSh Senati esa 52-47 ovoz bilan vakolatli prezident Bushga harbiy kuch ishlatishga ovoz berdi.

15 -yanvarga belgilangan muddat tinch o'tdi, chunki Quvayt va uning atrofidagi 545 000 Iroq qo'shinlari o'rnidan turmadi. Hozirgi vaqtda 539,000 amerikalik qo'shinlar Ko'rfazda, 270,000 ittifoqchi yigirma mamlakatdan, Ikkinchi jahon urushidan keyingi quruqlik qo'shinlari va havo kuchlarining eng katta yig'ini edi.

17 -yanvar kuni Bag'dod vaqti bilan soat 02:45 da (16:45, 16 -yanvar - Sharqiy vaqt), AQSh va ittifoqchi samolyotlari Iroq havo mudofaasi, aloqa tizimlariga katta bombardimon hujumini amalga oshirgani uchun "Sahro qalqoni" operatsiyasi "Sahro bo'roni" operatsiyasiga aylandi. kimyoviy qurollar, tanklar va artilleriya. Bag'dodga qilingan havo hujumini shahar tomida joylashgan CNN muxbirlari butun dunyo tomoshabinlariga jonli efirda namoyish qilishdi.

Bu prezident Bushning havo hujumi boshlanganidan ko'p o'tmay bergan televidenie nutqi.

Atigi 2 soat oldin ittifoqchi havo kuchlari Iroq va Kuvaytdagi harbiy nishonlarga hujum boshladi. Bu hujumlar men gapirganda davom etadi. Quruqlik kuchlari jalb qilinmagan.

Bu mojaro 2 avgustda Iroq diktatori kichik va yordamsiz qo'shniga bostirib kirganida boshlangan. Arab Ligasi va Birlashgan Millatlar Tashkilotining a'zosi bo'lgan Kuvayt o'z xalqini ezdi, shafqatsizlik qildi. Besh oy oldin Saddam Husayn Kuvaytga qarshi shafqatsiz urushni boshladi. Bugun kechqurun jangga qo'shildi.

Birlashgan Millatlar Tashkilotining rezolyutsiyasi va AQSh Kongressining roziligi bilan amalga oshirilgan bu harbiy harakat, Birlashgan Millatlar Tashkiloti, AQSh va boshqa ko'plab mamlakatlarning bir necha oylik doimiy va deyarli cheksiz diplomatik faoliyatidan so'ng amalga oshirildi. Arab rahbarlari arab echimi deb nomlangan narsani qidirishdi, faqat Saddam Husayn Kuvaytni tark etishni istamadi, degan xulosaga kelishdi. Boshqalar tinchlik va adolatni tiklash uchun Bag'dodga sayohat qilishdi. Bizning Davlat kotibimiz Jeyms Beyker, Jenevada tarixiy uchrashuv o'tkazdi, faqat rad javobini oldi. O'tgan dam olish kunlari, Birlashgan Millatlar Tashkilotining Bosh kotibi oxirgi urinishda Yaqin Sharqqa yuragida tinchlik bilan ketdi-bu uning ikkinchi missiyasi. Va u Bag'doddan qaytdi, lekin Saddam Husaynni Kuvaytdan olib ketishiga hech qanday yutuq kelmadi.

Ko'rfaz hududida kuchlari bo'lgan 28 davlat tinch yo'l bilan hal qilish uchun barcha imkoniyatlarni ishga solishdi - Saddamni Kuvaytdan kuch bilan haydashdan boshqa iloj yo'q. Biz muvaffaqiyatsizlikka uchramaymiz.

Sizga xabar berganimdek, Iroqdagi harbiy nishonlarga havo hujumlari uyushtirilmoqda. Biz Saddam Husaynning yadroviy bomba salohiyatini nokaut qilishga qaror qildik. Shuningdek, biz uning kimyoviy qurollar inshootlarini yo'q qilamiz. Saddamning ko'p artilleriyasi va tanklari yo'q qilinadi. Our operations are designed to best protect the lives of all the coalition forces by targeting Saddam's vast military arsenal. Initial reports from General Schwarzkopf are that our operations are proceeding according to plan.

Our objectives are clear: Saddam Hussein's forces will leave Kuwait. The legitimate government of Kuwait will be restored to its rightful place, and Kuwait will once again be free. Iraq will eventually comply with all relevant United Nations resolutions, and then, when peace is restored, it is our hope that Iraq will live as a peaceful and cooperative member of the family of nations, thus enhancing the security and stability of the Gulf.

Some may ask: Why act now? Why not wait? The answer is clear: The world could wait no longer. Sanctions, though having some effect, showed no signs of accomplishing their objective. Sanctions were tried for well over 5 months, and we and our allies concluded that sanctions alone would not force Saddam from Kuwait.

While the world waited, Saddam Hussein systematically raped, pillaged, and plundered a tiny nation, no threat to his own. He subjected the people of Kuwait to unspeakable atrocities -- and among those maimed and murdered, innocent children.

While the world waited, Saddam sought to add to the chemical weapons arsenal he now possesses, an infinitely more dangerous weapon of mass destruction -- a nuclear weapon. And while the world waited, while the world talked peace and withdrawal, Saddam Hussein dug in and moved massive forces into Kuwait.

While the world waited, while Saddam stalled, more damage was being done to the fragile economies of the Third World, emerging democracies of Eastern Europe, to the entire world, including to our own economy.

The United States, together with the United Nations, exhausted every means at our disposal to bring this crisis to a peaceful end. However, Saddam clearly felt that by stalling and threatening and defying the United Nations, he could weaken the forces arrayed against him.

While the world waited, Saddam Hussein met every overture of peace with open contempt. While the world prayed for peace, Saddam prepared for war.

I had hoped that when the United States Congress, in historic debate, took its resolute action, Saddam would realize he could not prevail and would move out of Kuwait in accord with the United Nation resolutions. He did not do that. Instead, he remained intransigent, certain that time was on his side.

Saddam was warned over and over again to comply with the will of the United Nations: Leave Kuwait, or be driven out. Saddam has arrogantly rejected all warnings. Instead, he tried to make this a dispute between Iraq and the United States of America.

Well, he failed. Tonight, 28 nations -- countries from 5 continents, Europe and Asia, Africa, and the Arab League -- have forces in the Gulf area standing shoulder to shoulder against Saddam Hussein. These countries had hoped the use of force could be avoided. Regrettably, we now believe that only force will make him leave.

Prior to ordering our forces into battle, I instructed our military commanders to take every necessary step to prevail as quickly as possible, and with the greatest degree of protection possible for American and allied service men and women. I've told the American people before that this will not be another Vietnam, and I repeat this here tonight. Our troops will have the best possible support in the entire world, and they will not be asked to fight with one hand tied behind their back. I'm hopeful that this fighting will not go on for long and that casualties will be held to an absolute minimum.

This is an historic moment. We have in this past year made great progress in ending the long era of conflict and cold war. We have before us the opportunity to forge for ourselves and for future generations a new world order -- a world where the rule of law, not the law of the jungle, governs the conduct of nations. When we are successful -- and we will be -- we have a real chance at this new world order, an order in which a credible United Nations can use its peacekeeping role to fulfill the promise and vision of the U.N.'s founders.

We have no argument with the people of Iraq. Indeed, for the innocents caught in this conflict, I pray for their safety. Our goal is not the conquest of Iraq. It is the liberation of Kuwait. It is my hope that somehow the Iraqi people can, even now, convince their dictator that he must lay down his arms, leave Kuwait, and let Iraq itself rejoin the family of peace-loving nations.

Thomas Paine wrote many years ago: "These are the times that try men's souls.'' Those well-known words are so very true today. But even as planes of the multinational forces attack Iraq, I prefer to think of peace, not war. I am convinced not only that we will prevail but that out of the horror of combat will come the recognition that no nation can stand against a world united, no nation will be permitted to brutally assault its neighbor.

No President can easily commit our sons and daughters to war. They are the Nation's finest. Ours is an all-volunteer force, magnificently trained, highly motivated. The troops know why they're there. And listen to what they say, for they've said it better than any President or Prime Minister ever could.

Listen to Hollywood Huddleston, Marine lance corporal. He says, "Let's free these people, so we can go home and be free again.'' And he's right. The terrible crimes and tortures committed by Saddam's henchmen against the innocent people of Kuwait are an affront to mankind and a challenge to the freedom of all.

Listen to one of our great officers out there, Marine Lieutenant General Walter Boomer. He said: "There are things worth fighting for. A world in which brutality and lawlessness are allowed to go unchecked isn't the kind of world we're going to want to live in.''

Listen to Master Sergeant J.P. Kendall of the 82nd Airborne: "We're here for more than just the price of a gallon of gas. What we're doing is going to chart the future of the world for the next 100 years. It's better to deal with this guy now than 5 years from now.''

And finally, we should all sit up and listen to Jackie Jones, an Army lieutenant, when she says, "If we let him get away with this, who knows what's going to be next?''

I have called upon Hollywood and Walter and J.P. and Jackie and all their courageous comrades-in-arms to do what must be done. Tonight, America and the world are deeply grateful to them and to their families. And let me say to everyone listening or watching tonight: When the troops we've sent in finish their work, I am determined to bring them home as soon as possible.

Tonight, as our forces fight, they and their families are in our prayers. May God bless each and every one of them, and the coalition forces at our side in the Gulf, and may He continue to bless our nation, the United States of America.

President George Bush - January 16, 1991

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February 27, 1991: Address on the End of the Gulf War

Transcript

Kuwait is liberated. Iraq's army is defeated. Our military objectives are met. Kuwait is once more in the hands of Kuwaitis, in control of their own destiny. We share in their joy, a joy tempered only by our compassion for their ordeal.

Tonight the Kuwaiti flag once again flies above the capital of a free and sovereign nation. And the American flag flies above our Embassy.

Seven months ago, America and the world drew a line in the sand. We declared that the aggression against Kuwait would not stand. And tonight, America and the world have kept their word.

This is not a time of euphoria, certainly not a time to gloat. But it is a time of pride: pride in our troops pride in the friends who stood with us in the crisis pride in our nation and the people whose strength and resolve made victory quick, decisive, and just. And soon we will open wide our arms to welcome back home to America our magnificent fighting forces.

No one country can claim this victory as its own. It was not only a victory for Kuwait but a victory for all the coalition partners. This is a victory for the United Nations, for all mankind, for the rule of law, and for what is right.

After consulting with Secretary of Defense Cheney, the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, General Powell, and our coalition partners, I am pleased to announce that at midnight tonight eastern standard time, exactly 100 hours since ground operations commenced and 6 weeks since the start of Desert Storm, all United States and coalition forces will suspend offensive combat operations. It is up to Iraq whether this suspension on the part of the coalition becomes a permanent cease-fire.

Coalition political and military terms for a formal cease-fire include the following requirements:

Iraq must release immediately all coalition prisoners of war, third country nationals, and the remains of all who have fallen. Iraq must release all Kuwaiti detainees. Iraq also must inform Kuwaiti authorities of the location and nature of all land and sea mines. Iraq must comply fully with all relevant United Nations Security Council resolutions. This includes a rescinding of Iraq's August decision to annex Kuwait and acceptance in principle of Iraq's responsibility to pay compensation for the loss, damage, and injury its aggression has caused.

The coalition calls upon the Iraqi Government to designate military commanders to meet within 48 hours with their coalition counterparts at a place in the theater of operations to be specified to arrange for military aspects of the cease-fire. Further, I have asked Secretary of State Baker to request that the United Nations Security Council meet to formulate the necessary arrangements for this war to be ended.

This suspension of offensive combat operations is contingent upon Iraq's not firing upon any coalition forces and not launching Scud missiles against any other country. If Iraq violates these terms, coalition forces will be free to resume military operations.

At every opportunity, I have said to the people of Iraq that our quarrel was not with them but instead with their leadership and, above all, with Saddam Hussein. This remains the case. You, the people of Iraq, are not our enemy. We do not seek your destruction. We have treated your POW's with kindness. Coalition forces fought this war only as a last resort and look forward to the day when Iraq is led by people prepared to live in peace with their neighbors.

We must now begin to look beyond victory and war. We must meet the challenge of securing the peace. In the future, as before, we will consult with our coalition partners. We've already done a good deal of thinking and planning for the postwar period, and Secretary Baker has already begun to consult with our coalition partners on the region's challenges. There can be, and will be, no solely American answer to all these challenges. But we can assist and support the countries of the region and be a catalyst for peace. In this spirit, Secretary Baker will go to the region next week to begin a new round of consultations.

This war is now behind us. Ahead of us is the difficult task of securing a potentially historic peace. Tonight though, let us be proud of what we have accomplished. Let us give thanks to those who risked their lives. Let us never forget those who gave their lives. May God bless our valiant military forces and their families, and let us all remember them in our prayers.


AFTER THE WAR: THE PRESIDENT Transcript of President Bush's Address on End of the Gulf War

Following is a transcript of President Bush's address last night to a joint session of Congress, and House Speaker Thomas S. Foley's introduction, as recorded by The New York Times:

FOLEY. Mr. President, it is customary at joint sessions for the chair to present the President to the members of Congress directly and without further comment. But I wish to depart from tradition tonight and express to you on behalf of the Congress and the country and through you to the members of our armed forces our warmest congratulations on the brilliant victory of the Desert Storm operation.

Members of the Congress, I now have the high privilege and distinct honor of presenting to you the President of the United States.

BUSH. Mr. President and Mr. Speaker, thank you, sir, for those very generous words spoken from the heart about the wonderful performance of our military. Members of Congress: Five short weeks ago, I came to this House to speak to you about the State of the Union. And we met then in time of war. Tonight, we meet in a world blessed by the promise of peace.

From the moment Operation Desert Storm commenced on Jan. 16 until the time the guns fell silent at midnight one week ago, this nation has watched its sons and daughters with pride -- watched over them with prayer. As Commander in Chief, I can report to you: Our armed forces fought with honor and valor. And as President, I can report to the nation aggression is defeated. The war is over.

This is a victory for every country in the coalition, for the United Nations. A victory for unprecedented international cooperation and diplomacy, so well led by our Secretary of State James Baker. It is a victory for the rule of law and for what is right.

Desert Storm's success belongs to the team that so ably leads our armed forces, our Secretary of Defense and our Chairman of the Joint Chiefs: Dick Cheney and Colin Powell.

And while you're standing, this military victory also belongs to the one the British call the "Man of the Match," the tower of calm at the eye of Desert Storm, Gen. Norman Schwarzkopf.

And let us, recognizing this was a coalition effort, let us not forget Saudi General Khalid, Britain's General de la Billiere, or General Roquejoffra of France, and all the others whose leadership played such a vital role. And most importantly, most importantly of all, all those who served in the field.

I thank the members of this Congress. Support here for our troops in battle was overwhelming. And above all, I thank those whose unfailing love and support sustained our courageous men and women: I thank the American people. World After War

Tonight -- tonight, I come to this House to speak about the world, the world after war.

The recent challenge could not have been clearer. Saddam Hussein was the villain, Kuwait the victim. To the aid of this small country came nations from North America and Europe, from Asia and South America, from Africa and the Arab world, all united against aggression.

Our uncommon coalition must now work in common purpose to forge a future that should never again be held hostage to the darker side of human nature.

Tonight in Iraq, Saddam walks amidst ruin. His war machine is crushed. His ability to threaten mass destruction is itself destroyed. His people have been lied to, denied the truth. And when his defeated legions come home, all Iraqis will see and feel the havoc he has wrought. And this I promise you: For all that Saddam has done to his own people, to the Kuwaitis, and to the entire world, Saddam and those around him are accountable.

All of us grieve for the victims of war, for the people of Kuwait and the suffering that scars the soul of that proud nation. We grieve for all our fallen soldiers and their families, for all the innocents caught up in this conflict. And yes, we grieve for the people of Iraq, a people who have never been our enemy. My hope is that one day we will once again welcome them as friends into the community of nations. Four Key Challenges

Our commitment to peace in the Middle East does not end with the liberation of Kuwait. So tonight, let me outline four key challenges to be met.

First, we must work together to create shared security arrangements in the region. Our friends and allies in the Middle East recognize that they will bear the bulk of the responsibility for regional security. But we want them to know that just as we stood with them to repel aggression, so now America stands ready to work with them to secure the peace.

This does not mean stationing U.S. ground forces in the Arabian Peninsula, but it does mean American participation in joint exercises involving both air and ground forces. It means maintaining a capable U.S. naval presence in the region, just as we have for over 40 years. And let it be clear: Our vital national interests depend on a stable and secure gulf.

Second, we must act to control the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and the missiles used to deliver them. It would be tragic if the nations of the Middle East and Persian Gulf were now, in the wake of war, to embark on a new arms race. Iraq requires special vigilance. Until Iraq convinces the world of its peaceful intentions -- that its leaders will not use new revenues to rearm and rebuild its menacing war machine -- Iraq must not have access to the instruments of war.

And third, we must work to create new opportunities for peace and stability in the Middle East. On the night I announced Operation Desert Storm, I expressed my hope that out of the horrors of war might come new momentum for peace. We've learned in the modern age, geography cannot guarantee security and security does not come from military power alone.

All of us know the depth of bitterness that has made the dispute between Israel and its neighbors so painful and intractable. Yet, in the conflict just concluded, Israel and many of the Arab states have for the first time found themselves confronting the same aggressor. By now, it should be plain to all parties that peacemaking in the Middle East requires compromise. At the same time, peace brings real benefits to everyone. We must do all that we can to close the gap between Israel and the Arab states and between Israelis and Palestinians. The tactics of terror lead absolutely nowhere there can be no substitute for diplomacy.

A comprehensive peace must be grounded in United Nations Security Council Resolutions 242 and 338 and the principle of territory for peace. This principle must be elaborated to provide for Israel's security and recognition, and at the same time for legitimate Palestinian political rights. Anything else would fail the twin tests of fairness and security. The time has come to put an end to Arab-Israeli conflict.

The war with Iraq is over. The quest for solutions to the problems in Lebanon, in the Arab-Israeli dispute, and in the gulf must go forward with new vigor and determination. And I guarantee you no one will work harder for a stable peace in the region than we will.

Fourth, we must foster economic development for the sake of peace and progress. The Persian Gulf and Middle East -- and Middle East -- form a region rich in natural resources with a wealth of untapped human potential. Resources once squandered on military might -- military might must be redirected to more peaceful ends. We are already addressing the immediate economic consequences of Iraq's aggression. Now, the challenge is to reach higher to foster economic freedom and prosperity for all the people of the region. By meeting these four challenges we can build a framework for peace. I've asked Secretary of State Baker to go to the Middle East to begin the process. He will go to listen, to probe, to offer suggestions, to advance the search for peace and stability.

I've also asked him to raise the plight of the hostages held in Lebanon. We have not forgotten them. And we will not forget them.

To all the challenges that confront this region of the world, there is no single solution, no solely American answer. But we can make a difference. America will work tirelessly as a catalyst for positive change.

But we cannot lead a new world abroad if, at home, it's politics as usual on American defense and diplomacy. It's time to turn away from the temptation to protect unneeded weapons systems and obsolete bases. It's time to put an end, it's time to put an end to micro-management of foreign and security assistance programs, micro-management that humiliates our friends and allies and hamstrings our diplomacy. It's time to rise above the parochial and the pork barrel, to do what is necessary, what's right and what will enable this nation to play the leadership role required of us.

The consequences of the conflict in the gulf reach far beyond the confines of the Middle East. Twice before in this century, an entire world was convulsed by war. Twice this century, out of the horrors of war hope emerged for enduring peace. Twice before, those hopes proved to be a distant dream, beyond the grasp of man.

Until now, the world we've known has been a world divided, a world of barbed wire and concrete block, conflict and cold war.

And now, we can see a new world coming into view. A world in which there is the very real prospect of a new world order. In the words of Winston Churchill, a "world order" in which "the principles of justice and fair play . . . protect the weak against the strong." A world where the United Nations, freed from cold war stalemate, is poised to fulfill the historic vision of its founders. A world in which freedom and respect for human rights find a home among all nations.

The gulf war put this new world to its, its first test. And my fellow Americans, we passed that test.

For the sake of our principles, for the sake of the Kuwaiti people, we stood our ground. Because the world would not look the other way, Ambassador Al-Sabah, tonight Kuwait is free. Where is he? And we're very happy about that. Tarix darslari

Tonight, as our troops begin to come home, let us recognize that the hard work of freedom still calls us forward. We've learned the hard lessons of history. The victory over Iraq was not waged as "a war to end all wars." Even the new world order cannot guarantee an era of perpetual peace. But enduring peace must be our mission.

Our success in the gulf will shape not only the new world order we seek but our mission here at home.

In the war just ended, there were clear-cut objectives, timetables and, above all, an overriding imperative to achieve results. We must bring that same sense of self-discipline, that same sense of urgency, to the way we meet challenges here at home.

In my State of the Union Address and in my budget, I defined a comprehensive agenda to prepare for the next American century.

Our first priority is to get this economy rolling again. The fear and uncertainty caused by the gulf crisis were understandable. But now that the war is over, oil prices are down, interest rates are down and confidence is rightly coming back. Americans can move forward to lend, spend and invest in this, the strongest economy on earth.

We must also enact the legislation that is key to building a better America, For example, in 1990, we enacted an historic Clean Air Act. And now we've proposed a national energy strategy. We passed a child care bill that put power in the hands of parents. And today, we're ready to do the same thing with our schools, and expand, expand choice in education. We passed a crime bill that made a useful start in fighting crime and drugs. This year we're sending to Congress our comprehensive crime package to finish the job. We passed the landmark Americans With Disabilities Act. And now we've sent forward our civil rights bill. We also passed the aviation bill. This year we've sent up our new highway bill.

And these are just a few of our pending proposals for reform and renewal. Call for Domestic Action

So tonight, I call on the Congress to move forward aggressively on our domestic front. Let's begin with two initiatives we should be able to agree on quickly. transportation and crime. And then, let's build on success with those and enact the rest of our agenda. If our forces could win the ground war in 100 hours, then surely the Congress can pass this legislation in 100 days. Let, let that be a promise we make tonight to the American people.

When I spoke in this House about the state of our union, I asked all of you: If we can selflessly confront evil for the sake of good in a land so far away, then surely we can make this land all that it should be. In the time since then, the brave men and women of Desert Storm accomplished more than even they may realize. They set out to confront an enemy abroad, and in the process, they transformed a nation at home.

Think, think of the way they went about their mission -- with confidence and quiet pride. Think about their sense of duty, about all they taught us, about our values, about ourselves.

We hear so often about our young people in turmoil, how our children fall short, how our schools fail us, how American products and American workers are second class. Well, don't you believe it. The America we saw in Desert Storm was first-class talent.

And they -- and they did it -- they did it using America's state-of-the-art technology. We saw the excellence embodied in the Patriot missile and the patriots who made it work.

And we saw soldiers who know about honor and bravery and duty and country and the world-shaking power of these simple words.

There is something noble and majestic about the pride, about the patriotism, that we feel tonight.

So, to everyone here, and everyone watching at home, think about the men and women of Desert Storm. Let us honor them with our gratitude. Let us comfort the families of the fallen and remember each precious life lost.

Let us learn from them as well. Let us honor those who have served us by serving others.

Let us honor them as individuals, men and women of every race, all creeds and colors, by setting the face of this nation against discrimination, bigotry and hate. Eliminate that.

I'm sure that many of you saw on -- on the television -- the unforgettable scene of four terrified Iraqi soldiers surrendering. They emerged from their bunker broken, tears streaming from their eyes, fearing the worst. And then there was an American soldier. Remember what he said? He said: "It's O.K. You're all right now. You're all right now."

That scene says a lot about America, a lot about who we are. Americans are a caring people. We are a good people, a generous people. Let us always be caring and good and generous in all we do. March Home From Gulf

Soon, very soon, our troops will begin the march we've all been waiting for, their march home. And I have directed Secretary Cheney to begin the immediate return of American combat units from the gulf.

Less than two hours from now, the first planeload of American soldiers will lift off from Saudi Arabia headed for the U.S.A. That plane will carry the men and women of the 24th Mechanized Infantry Division bound for Fort Stewart, Ga. This is just -- this is just the beginning of a steady flow of American troops coming home.

Let their return remind us that all those who have gone before are linked with us in the long line of freedom's march. Americans have always tried to serve, to sacrifice nobly for what we believe to be right.

Tonight, I ask every community in this country to make this coming Fourth of July a day of special celebration for our returning troops. They may have missed Thanksgiving and Christmas, but I can tell you this: For them and for their families, we can make this a holiday they'll never forget.

In a very real sense, this victory belongs to them, to the privates and the pilots, to the sergeants and the supply officers, to the men and women in the machines, and the men and women who made them work. It belongs to the regulars, to the Reserves, to the National Guard. This victory belongs to the finest fighting force this nation has ever known in its history.

We went halfway around the world to do what is moral and just and right. And we fought hard, and -- with others -- we won the war. And we lifted the yoke of aggression and tyranny from a small country that many Americans had never even heard of, and we ask nothing in return.

We're coming home now proud, confident, heads high. There is much that we must do at home and abroad. And we will do it. We are Americans.

May God bless this great nation, the United States of America. Thank you all very much.


Bush Announces End to Gulf War - HISTORY

The Allies launched a devastating and sustained aerial bombardment involving cruise missiles launched from US warships and US, British and Saudi Arabian fighter planes, bombers and helicopters.

After more than a month of intensive air attacks, the Allies launched a land offensive, on 24 February.

One day later, the Iraqis began retreating. On 28 February, President George Bush declared victory.

Kuwait was liberated but Saddam Hussein remained in power and turned his wrath on the Kurd and Shiite communities.

Tensions between Iraq and the US continued as ceasefire agreements were violated and UN weapons inspectors prevented from doing their job.

In March 2003 George Bush's son, George W, launched an attack on Iraq in spite of worldwide opposition to war. Backed by British and Australian forces, the aim was to topple Saddam Hussein and eliminate any weapons of mass destruction.

Within a month, the Baghdad regime had been toppled and the Americans were claiming victory but there was no sign of any weapons of mass destruction.

Saddam Hussein was captured alive after several months in hiding in December 2003.

American-led coalition forces continue to occupy Iraq. On 28 June 2004 when power was officially handed back to the Iraqi authorities and elections held in February 2005.

Following a trial in an Iraqi court Saddam Hussein was sentenced to death and executed in December 2006.


Videoni tomosha qiling: KIYIDAN ÇUPRA AVI Denemeler Başladı BÖLÜM 1 (Iyul 2022).


Izohlar:

  1. Dakinos

    Nothing!

  2. Sholto

    It is a pity that I cannot speak now - I have to leave. I'll be back - I will definitely express my opinion.

  3. Aescleah

    va qanday aniqlash mumkin - pozon va yugurib?

  4. Mooguran

    hmm ... Xo'sh, bu allaqachon ekstremal ...

  5. Abbas

    the most valuable answer

  6. Otik

    Ajoyib javob



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